Genius azelyrics.net.ru Lyrics

Genius azelyrics.net.ru .Lyrics

August Burns Red – Standing In The Storm Lyrics

The end is the beginning
Found each other, lost one another
The beginning is the end
Found each other, lost one another

I just started the race
And I’m already disqualified
Lost each other, now we’ll struggle to

Fight, fight to reunite
You know it’s right, but instead you
Fight, fight with all your might
I want you but you want out

It’s okay not be okay
But we can’t stay here in this place
Nothing more to do, nothing more to say
I’m afraid I’m going insane

I’m losing my mind, there’s no rain
Just lightning and thunder
Nobody wins when we’ve lost one another

I know that damaged is not destroyed
A face I won’t forget, a feeling I can’t shake
Damaged is not destroyed
We fall apart so fast, so easily we break

Damaged is not destroyed
I want you but you want out

It has to rain to see a painted sky
Not all deserts are deserted and dry
What’s lost can always be found
I’ll sing along to the sound
I’ll shout, I’ll shout it out
Even if no one’s around

It’s not where we’ve been, but where we want to be

Standing in the storm
Found each other, lost one another
I saw the truth for what it is
Found each other, lost one another
You find the love that never fails you
When you fail the one you love
Say goodbye, say goodbye

Fight, fight to reunite
You know it’s right, but instead you
Fight, fight with all your might
I want you, but you want out

Yarichin Bitch Club – Touch You Lyrics

アン、アン、アン、アン、安易な言葉は要らない
でもなんでだろう
ぜん、ぜん、ぜん、ぜん、全部モノにしたい

I wanna touch your
BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY

3,2,1 Let`s session
Check Check Check testing you..
No no no no no oh..

百発百中 ホールインワン
喋りたい 喋れないって ヤっちやってよ 発射オーライ
ふれてみたい
抱き合いたい裸同士で
ちょっと舌入れちゃって もいいかな
ああ、明日はどうなる
輪姦は嫌だ

アン、アン、アン、アン、安易な気持ちじゃないんだ
やりたいことばっかり
そ、そ、そ、そ、そして受け入れてもいい
もうなんだっていい
理性なんて
バラバラになちゃえよ
BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY

No, no、no、童貞です
(No, no, no, no, no Oh)
絶対命中 前立腺
(Wow wo wo, yeah, yeah)
だって今すぐ
やりたい
やりたい
やりたい、オー
汗だくで
触らせない 君は処女はなの
僕はヤリチンビッチのオスだよ (オスだよ!!)
ああ 包まれたいな 君の粘膜に
Fallen

BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY

BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY

抱き合いたい着衣でOK
君の心が知りたいだけだよ
オーつれない態度
そそられちゃうぜ
アン、アン、アン、アン、安易な気持ちじゃないんだ
知りたいことばっかで
ノン、ノン、ノン、ノン、 なならノンケでもないいよ
いかせてやるから!
アン、アン、アン、アン、安易な言葉は要らない
でもなんでだろう
ぜん、ぜん、ぜん、ぜん、全部モノにしたい

I wanna touch your
BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY

3,2,1 Let`s session
Check Check Check testing you..
No no no no no oh..

百発百中 ホールインワン
喋りたい 喋れないって ヤっちやってよ 発射オーライ
ふれてみたい
抱き合いたい裸同士で
ちょっと舌入れちゃって もいいかな
ああ、明日はどうなる
輪姦は嫌だ
アン、アン、アン、アン、安易な気持ちじゃないんだ
やりたいことばっかり
そ、そ、そ、そ、そして受け入れてもいい
もうなんだっていい
理性なんて
バラバラになちゃえよ

BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY

No, no、no、童貞です
(No, no, no, no, no Oh)
絶対命中 前立腺
(Wow wo wo, yeah, yeah)
だって今すぐ
やりたい
やりたい
やりたい、オー
汗だくで
触らせない 君は処女はなの
僕はヤリチンビッチのオスだよ (オスだよ!!)
ああ 包まれたいな 君の粘膜に
Fallen

BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY

BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY

抱き合いたい着衣でOK
君の心が知りたいだけだよ
オーつれない態度
そそられちゃうぜ

アン、アン、アン、アン、安易な気持ちじゃないんだ

知りたいことばっかで
ノン、ノン、ノン、ノン、 なならノンケでもないいよ
いかせてやるから!

アン、アン、アン、アン、安定のリズムピストン
止まらないんだ
ぜん、ぜん、ぜん、ぜん、全部知りたい君のこと
スキな子と
やりたいよ
I wanna, wanna touch your

BODY
BODY, BODY, BODY, BODY
BODY, BODY

Peewee Longway – Pink Salmon Lyrics (feat. Cassius Jay)

Ooh, all I need is top, need, need, need that top (Ayy)
Ooh, all I want is top, need, need, need, no top (Let’s go)
Ooh, all I need is top, need, need, need that top (That boy Cass, ayy)
Ooh, all I want is top, need, need, need, no top (Let’s go)

Pink salmon on my feet, Christian Dior (Christian Dior)
I think she annoyed, Mike Amiri to the floor (I think she annoyed)
All my money neat, I’m tryna top the list of Forbes (Top the list of Forbes)
Lit wrist like a lightbulb, Emilio Pucci rug (Let’s go)
In the shower, f*ck like Mimi, love me like she Kiki (Like Kiki)
All she say is Peewee (Longway), ice on my neck be VV (Brr)
Benz GT, step out your ‘evy
Mr. Blue Benjamin, count up the fetti
She black like Keisha, f*ck like Belly
Twerk on the dick, she on, she ready

When she need me, I’m on the way
When she need me, I’m on the way
Thotiana, blue face
Calamari, two plates
‘Rari came, new plate
Chopped the brick and served soufflé
Pocket need a due date
Longway Sinatra 2, baby
I’m into shoppin’ too, baby
Christian Dior with the pink laces
She wear the thong that look like shoelaces
Kiss on the dick and smile with pink braces
Long hair, she don’t need laces
She mulatto, I’m tryna figure her race
She told it, I pick it, I pay
Swag and young Cassius Jay
This beat didn’t come from Zay (That boy Cass)
Get on the top, don’t stop, go pop
Wake up and catch the box
Balenciaga Triple S and Gucci for my socks

Pink salmon on my feet, Christian Dior (Christian Dior)
I think she annoyed, Mike Amiri to the floor (I think she annoyed)
All my money neat, I’m tryna top the list of Forbes (Top the list of Forbes)
Lit wrist like a lightbulb, Emilio Pucci rug (Let’s go)
In the shower, f*ck like Mimi, love me like she Kiki (Like Kiki)

All she say is Peewee (Longway), ice on my neck be VV (Brr)
Benz GT, step out your ‘evy
Mr. Blue Benjamin, count up the fetti
She black like Keisha, f*ck like Belly
Twerk on the dick, she on, she ready

Spinnin’ the block, spinnin’ the block, Fox 5 shots
Longway top shot, f*ck all of you bomboclaats
I’ll sit in my jail and rot and tell the judge a lie
Oh, DG slippers on my feet, I’m ah-ah (Longway, ah-ah)
Put that dick inside her guts, she call me, "Dada" (Zaddy)
Swallow the nut, don’t leave no traces in my Caddy
She ask me why I’m up like this, I’m on them Addys
Mr. Blue Benjamin havin’
Four-four-eights from Cali
Weigh ’em up and bag ’em
Show me the Magnum wrapper
Heard he capper, capper (Stop the cappin’)
Gucci, copped from Dapper, Lonway Dapper Dan
You can get bags with Bitcoin
She with the shit, she been gone

Pink salmon on my feet, Christian Dior (Christian Dior)
I think she annoyed, Mike Amiri to the floor (I think she annoyed)
All my money neat, I’m tryna top the list of Forbes (Top the list of Forbes)
Lit wrist like a lightbulb, Emilio Pucci rug (Let’s go)
In the shower, f*ck like Mimi, love me like she Kiki (Like Kiki)
All she say is Peewee (Longway), ice on my neck be VV (Brr)
Benz GT, step out your ‘evy
Mr. Blue Benjamin, count up the fetti
She black like Keisha, f*ck like Belly
Twerk on the dick, she on, she ready

Before you leave my love away (Before you leave my love away)
Don’t kill me, I won’t testify (Don’t kill me, I won’t testify)
We put doves in the air and watch ’em fly high (Cap, cap)
And that.44 hit your shirt, it look like tie-dye
Na-na
When she need me, I’m on the way
When she need me, I’m on the way

Brs Kash – Kash App Lyrics (feat. Mulatto)

(Mama, Zachary makin’ beats again)
Okay (Okay)
Ooh

Ok she wobble it wobble it make a nigga want it
Ok she pop it she pop it she make a nigga horny
And she’s a, lil’ stripper with some big dick grippers
If you throw that ass on me imma f*ck around a tip you
What’s your cash app? Aye I’ll send anything you want to see that ass clap
Aye Aye aye come here
Aye What’s your cash app? Aye I’ll send anything you want to see that ass clap
(Clap clap clap clap)

Aye what it is hoe?
I wanna see that p*ssy poppin’ in some heels hoe
It ain’t nothin’ to a boss to pay a bill hoe
I heard you got some good p*ssy how it feel hoe?
Yea how it feel?
Imma, big baller, big shot caller, big lips on you I just wonder do you swallow
If that head good imma call your ass tomorrow
Good drank on ice, can you swallow the bottle?
Now bounce that ass
Make a nigga like me wanna’ come and drop the bag
Cash app with no limit I’m the G.O.A.T
Come here baby I just wanna see you rock the boat, rock the boat, yea

Ok she wobble it wobble it make a nigga want it
Ok she pop it she pop it she make a nigga horny
And she’s a, lil’ stripper with some big dick grippers
If you throw that ass on me imma f*ck around a tip you
What’s your cash app? Aye I’ll send anything you want to see that ass clap

Aye Aye aye come here
Aye What’s your cash app? Aye I’ll send anything you want to see that ass clap
(Clap clap clap clap)

I need a cashapp before I make that ass clap
Bet when he be laying with his bitch he having flashbacks
I done made my trap nigga show me where the stash at
And I made my other nigga pay to make this ass fat
Don’t play with that girl she ain’t the 1 or the 2
Watch me (gasp) out of Magic with a blunt out the roof
Told the nigga eat the p*ssy till he missing a tooth
The birkin ain’t for fashion bitch its totin the tool
Ain’t trickin if you got it daddy come out them pockets
Pullin fresh out the lot because this a brand new body
I’m a big boss bitch I can’t be seen with no rookie
The richer the nigga the wetter the p*ssy

Wobble it wobble it make a nigga want it
Ok she pop it she pop it she make a nigga horny
And she’s a, lil’ stripper with some big dick grippers
If you throw that ass on me imma f*ck around a tip you
What’s your cash app? Aye I’ll send anything you want to see that ass clap
Aye Aye aye come here
Aye What’s your cash app? Aye I’ll send anything you want to see that ass clap
(Clap clap clap clap)

Slim 400 – Fake Shit Lyrics (feat. Lil Blood & J Stalin)

[Intro: J. Stalin]
(Ayy, ayy, you gotta keep that in the beginning)
(Ayy, ayy)
Gotta let fake niggas do fake shit (Fake shit)
So we can separate shit
Gotta let the fake niggas do they fake shit (Fake shit)
So we can separate shit

[Chorus: J. Stalin]
Gotta let fake niggas do fake shit (Shit)
So we can separate shit
And we can see the real niggas from the fake shit (Shit)
See the real niggas from the fake shit
Gotta let fake niggas do fake shit (Shit)
So we can separate shit
And we can see the real niggas from thе fake shit (Hold up, hold up, ake shit)
We can see thе real bitches from the fake bitches

[Verse 1: Slim 400]
Blassic, niggas told you I was blassic
Wallabees and Kangol on the kids, yeah, we're magic
Study every night, drinking Hennessy in my habit
Chuckin' up four hundred, blewin' up, I'm in the score
f*ck quarantine, get the snow through the bows
f*ck quarantine, get the money through a store
Real play the fake 'til the fake don't know
Classic, bitch, thugged out, Pac shit, go
I say, "Gang," let 'em think, let 'em drink (Woo)
Money be the evil, turn fake bitch fake (Hold up, goddamnit)
Ayy, don't let 'em play you man, you stay true
Ooh, they artificial, they ain't got a clue (Ice Wata)
[Chorus: J. Stalin]
Gotta let fake niggas do fake shit (Shit)
So we can separate shit
And we can see the real niggas from the fake shit (Shit)

See the real niggas from the fake shit
Gotta let fake niggas do fake shit (Shit)
So we can separate shit (Hey, Slim, what it is, nigga?)
And we can see the real niggas from the fake shit (It's Lil Blood, fake shit)
We can see the real bitches from the fake bitches (I got you, brother, uh)

[Verse 2: Lil Blood]
How you my brother but you let them niggas speak on me? (Damn)
You heard them niggas plottin' like they finna creep on me, uh
Keep it on me, nigga, I'm a stepper (Stepper)
I break a bitch and put her back together (Facts)
Glock 45 under my sweater, Glock 45 for you haters
f*cked up my brother, turned into a traitor (Damn)
Dre, he was my dawg, but we don't kick it no more
He smokin' weed with the opps like we ain't trippin' no more
My bitch told me I'm a dog and she don't love me no more
I fell for a Twitter bitch, yeah, I'm in love with a ho (Sheesh)
Gotta let the fake niggas do fake shit
So we can separate shit

[Chorus: J. Stalin]
Gotta let fake niggas do fake shit (Shit)
So we can separate shit
And we can see the real niggas from the fake shit (Shit)
See the real niggas from the fake shit
Gotta let fake niggas do fake shit (Shit)
So we can separate shit
And we can see the real niggas from the fake shit (Fake shit)
We can see the real bitches from the fake bitches

Il Tre 3 – Pioggia Lyrics

[Testo di “Pioggia”]

[Strofa 1]
A volte non so comportarmi
Non vorrei mentire, tu piangi
Non posso nascondere i miei tagli
Non posso cancellare i miei sbagli
Non posso tornare indietro, no
No, no, non ho la forza d’andare avanti
Sì, ho confuso il mare con il cielo e
No, no, cerchi nei lobi come i pirati
Quando avevo tredici anni stavo un po’ perso
Cercavo qualcuno che capisse il mio senso
Un adolescente che non trova se stesso
È come una relazione senza buon sesso
E fuori era buio, eh
Sono come un cane senza la strada di casa che è diventato un lupo, eh
La paura è uno scudo, fra’, te lo giuro

[Pre-Ritornello 1]
Ho sofferto come tutti per una stronza
Che mi ha fatto diventare il cuore di ghiaccio
Ho capito che l’amore spesso è un inganno
Io sono stanco, eh

[Ritornello]
Siamo come la pioggia, eh
Come un fuoco che scotta, eh
Una bomba che scoppia
Questa vita è bella ma costa
Voglio stare solo con te
Siamo come la notte, eh
Sotto un cielo di gocce, eh
Quando corri più forte
Io non ho paura di niente
Tornerò con le mani rotte
Stai con me

[Strofa 2]
Ricordo che
Parlavano lontano come se fossi estraneo al discorso
Ero solo un bimbo in disparte, volevo fare il grande, l’opposto

Alla fine ho fatto, concluso, sono soddisfatto e tu illusa
Lei voleva un cuore, io niente, lei mi dice: “Vattene”, io “Scusa”
E mi sento in gabbia, come se fossi legato sì, dalle mie corde
Dentro ho rabbia, come se avessi potuto trovare le forze
Adesso basta, se avessi avuto coraggio magari sai forse
Ma non importa, chiudo le porte, se tornerò torneremo più forti

[Pre-Ritornello 2]
Prima eri il mio punto di forza
Ora sei soltanto un messaggio nell’archivio
Hai curato le ferite di quella stronza
E dopo ti ho persa, eh

[Ritornello]
Siamo come la pioggia, eh
Come un fuoco che scotta, eh
Una bomba che scoppia
Questa vita è bella ma costa
Voglio stare solo con te
Siamo come la notte, eh
Sotto un cielo di gocce, eh
Quando corri più forte
Io non ho paura di niente
Tornerò con le mani rotte
Stai con me

[Outro]
Eh, eh
Siamo come la pioggia, eh
Come un fuoco che scotta, eh
Una bomba che scoppia
Questa vita è bella ma costa
Voglio stare solo con te
Siamo come la notte, eh
Sotto un cielo di gocce, eh
Quando corri più forte
Io non ho paura di niente
Tornerò con le mani rotte
Stai con me

Marlon Craft – State Of The Union Lyrics

The state of the union is that there isn’t one
If a house divided can’t stand, we been sitting but sitting officials lettin’ you starve and die
They’d say for a party, I say it’s dogma to America’s artful lie
Sniffin’ the party line, intoxicated from white
That fake superiority created by authority to convince the poorest he still one caste up
‘Cause at least you not black, and if at least you not that
And if you see and got mad
That the elite eat on backs of your labor, you’d point at your neighbor – instead of up
To keep you off track, they told you your sins weren’t sins but, beneath that hatred is shame
Your humanity was picked and sold with the cotton of slaves
System is f*cked, we benefit passively
White liberals and such, make a social identity from giving a f*ck
But that privilege they may acknowledge, they ain’t giving it up
We ain’t living it much, the ego’s driving the car
And it just depends on where it got it’s license
How many of us really choose our own thoughts and vices?
You don’t get paid, but you a walking advertisement
Made us all addicted to fame, so that we’d work for free
Million factless ’cause their schools ain’t teach ’em how to find them
If they get to choose, they pick the ones that their wants align with
Can you track your opinion to it’s origin? If not, aight then
We move without intent, they profit when we not decisive
Rappers been lazily referencing The Matrix for years
Who knew algorithms would really dictate what we cheer?
Too lazy to care, afraid to look inward
We’d live in our own noose ‘fore we live in our own truth
Vague tweets about how you love everyone
You won’t even wear a mask to save somebody’s grandmother
Entitled to the lies of freedom, you in denial
I seen this shit for a while
It’s lethal man, word to Dan Glover

You can’t fake lightning but you can plan thunder
Pay a racist brand before we’d pay attention
I sit in damn wonder

And everyone talking generational wealth
But outside making money for ourselves
We won’t give the next generation no help
It may already be too late to save the f*cking planet
If we don’t stop playing, there will be no more generations to help
We trained people for survival of the fittest
In traumatic conditions and sold them things that kill ’em
We made life into a gamble, in the name of capitalism
Then tried to hit the democracy switch when COVID hit and that was destined to fail
You can’t abuse populations, leave ’em destitute and vacant and then ask them to care
About anything but their next move, our own nation to blame

So I get why we at the club, still I ain’t say I’m not enraged
I want better from us, I just don’t expect it
Trauma is cyclical, the most likely ones to neglect are the neglected
They had Future sellin’ you – Molly, Lean, Percocet
And you think for a check, they need a scheme on vaccine injections?
Lot of the soft bigotry of low expectations
Lot of fetishization, celebrating regressive themes in the name of progression
And when something truly powerful come
It’s hesitation

And there’s this fishy correlation, between what’s considered cool and what profits for corporations
Rappers streamin’ tens of mills considered not as poppin’
‘Cause on their next endeavor, no label holds an option
Soul vacancy across the culture
So when they say they do it for it, man I gotta wonder
The only culture is validate wins, and win equals money
The truth’s like my chest in ’06, it’s beneath where the rug be
I don’t even like talking this direct
I ain’t no book report ass rapper but I object
To the marriage to greed and clout, without heeding doubt of what winnin’ means
Ask why we on different teams
We don’t play the same sport
Started getting to some places I been tryna go and lookin’ round like
Yo, this ain’t what I came for
So if I gotta give up what’s righteous to get it, you can keep it
f*ck a popular lie I’d rather be a truthful secret
Herd immunity to truth and self-assestment
Truth is if not for COVID, Trump would’ve won re-election in a landslide
So we evaded armageddon, for good old store brand oppression
But if a leader more savvy, and less sociopathic with true fascist aspirations come along, it’s gon’ be tragic
74 million proved if the right rhetoric is used
We could end up on the wrong side of World War II 2
And to defeat white supremacy, you gotta first want to defeat white supremacy
I don’t think most of us really do
How many white mirror convos really bearing fruit?
The only hope is that this moment in history
Looks the same in both timelines of what the end could be
Whether this the infection rising up and we fight and quell, or if it outscrapes us, and humanity just dies and fails
It was always gon’ get worse ‘fore it got better
Racism was never gon’ go quietly to the night
It never will but I do believe that it along with greed, can make it’s way out of our institutions so that all are free one day
I ain’t say that it will, but today looks like today
In both versions of the story
So gon’ grab you a quill
It depends what we do, there’s only one person the future starts and ends with
It’s you

Robin Thicke – Take Me Higher Lyrics

Yeahh
Ah baby
Let’s get saved
Well well well
I need
I need to be saved

I’m coming baby
I hear your tone
I’m running red lights
I’m rushing home
I got it baby
You feel alone
Your body’s cold and naked
You need me to hold

So in love
Girl you’re like the morning sun
When I’m down you lift me up
I wanna overdose on your touch

Na na na na na na na na
(Take me higher baby)
Take me to the sky
Then ya, yank on the line
And I get high high high
But baby, baby I don’t mind
(I get higher baby)
Like a grape on the vine
You turn me, turn me into wine
And I get high high high
But listen, baby I don’t mind

Na na na na na na na na
I’m coming baby
I hear your tone
I’m running red lights
I’m rushing home
I got it baby
You feel alone
Your body’s cold and naked
You need me to hold

Just because girl you know I love us some us
Better than I thought it was

I want to overdose on your touch

Na na na na na na na na
(Take me higher baby)
Take me to the sky
Then ya, yank on the line
And I get high high high
But baby, baby I don’t mind
(Take me higher baby)
Like a grape on the vine
You turn me, turn me into wine
And I get high high high
But listen, baby I don’t mind
Take me higher baby

Na na na na na na na na
I’m coming baby
I hear your tone
I’m running red lights
I’m rushing home
I got it baby
You feel alone
Your body’s cold and naked
You need me to hold

Na na na na na na na na
(Take me higher baby)
Take me to the sky
Then ya, yank on the line
And I get high high high
But baby, baby I don’t mind
(I get higher baby)
Like a grape on the vine
You turn me, turn me into wine
And I get high high high
But listen, baby I don’t mind
Take me higher baby
I get high baby
Yes I do
Take me higher

Justin Courtney Pierre – Dying To Know Lyrics

One day a word with my mother
Questions and answers and
Suddenly I find
This mystery is mine
I’m struggling to breathe
From disarranging me
Drown out the fathers of fiction with electric guitars
I’m just dying to know who you are

Searching for signs of another
One day a mugshot and
Everything implodes
I’m sickened to my toes
You can’t undo what’s done
When staring at the son

Violence a week before bells our cesarean scar
I’m just dying to know who you are

But my life somehow goes on without me
Stranded in knowledge
Now everything is wrong
Where do I belong?
I’m not quite in my body
I’m feeling a lot like an anthropologist on Mars
I’m just dying to know
I’m just dying to know
I’m just dying to know
I’m just dying to know who you are

Adult Mom – Sober Lyrics

You’ve been sober now
For a few days and I bet that it helps
You not to send me a text
That says you love me still

The only thing that I’ve done
This month is drink beer
Masturbate, and ignore
Phone calls from you
What else am I supposed to do?

Because the last image of you I remember
Is your hunched over back on the side of the bed
Telling me that I shouldn’t leave

And I didn’t wanna lie I guess
When you asked me if I loved you less
In the passenger side of my car
So I didn’t respond

And the last image of me you remember

Is my hunched over back on the driver’s side
Begging you to get out when you said that You wanted to die
Can’t you see that’s the kind of shit
I can’t be the one to decide?

But if you asked me now, I’d want you alive

It’s a chilling confidence that
I don’t need you anymore
But you knew that, I’m sure
Honesty broke the glass of the bottle
That I struck at the door
When I couldn’t do this any longer
Now I don’t even think of you
When I am sober

Now I don’t even think of you
When I am sober

Dusty Locane – Rollin N Controllin Freestyle Lyrics

Grrt, pow-pow-pow-pow
Yeah, y’all know the vibes
It’s that six times ten shit
Neighbors don’t need no favors
Them ends don’t need no friends
Get me? Look (CP did it baby)
Huh, look, look
Listen

I walk in the spot, thirty on me and some chops
All my niggas really rock, roll, control
Shout my ‘Layos, you know how my niggas move
But I ain’t movin’, I’m rollin’ and I’m shootin’
I said, "Baby, it’s crazy," hahahahaha
I be really wit’ them killin’ niggas and them drillin’ niggas and we back
In the Floss, get you offed
I don’t do this too much, I just talk that talk
Gimme talk back too, what’s the word? What y’all wanna do?
Empty out the clip, I’m wit’ the Crips, neighborhood shit
All of my niggas, they on shit, I ain’t gotta be on, bitch
Hol’ on, I be so gone
Call up that boy YJ grippin’ on the tool
He gon’ break the rules, boy, you a fool, you a fool
I said, "Mad Max, he a demon, he let llamas fly"
Soso, one call, that boy built for homicide
I am war ready, stay steady, don’t gotta say too much
I was in the pen’ wit’ a couple killer niggas and I stay tooled up
I could get you shot, get you packed up, huh, that’s on the sеt

I ain’t gotta say too much, and I just let that bitch, let that bitch off
Stupid nigga, what you talking for?
I am really in these streets, and I won’t say no more
Hol’ on, shake it, huh, just, I said, "Just shake it"
All this money that I’m makin’, bad bitches and they cakin’
Ass fat, huh, heard that bad bitch was Jamaican
Put her in her place, put it in her face, hol’ on
She was so wet, haha, grabbed on the TEC
Now I gotta lift a nigga up, leave his brother upset
Heard that lil’ nigga tellin’, huh, I’m a felon
But I ain’t even gonna act like I’m playin’ wit’ a nigga, I’ma get em
Rr, I’m nasty, bad bitches and they classy, they ain’t trashy
Ask me, anything you really want
I’ma let em up, I’ma go dumb, huh
I do this shit for fun
Tell ’em niggas, "Check in with me ’cause I keep a gun"
Huh? You can not play, .38, let it spray
That nine milli’, thirty clip, let ’em
This is all I gotta say, I do it all for the gang
Me and you is not the same, stay in your place
Boy, you a lame, I’ll carry the tool
And I’m still on the Fifth, wit’ an eighth

Woo, woo, woo
Grrt, pow-pow-pow-pow

Billie Eilish & Rosalia – Lo Vas A Olvidar Lyrics

[Letra de "Lo Vas A Olvidar"]

[Verso 1: ROSALÍA & Billie Eilish, Ambos]
Dime si me echas de meno' aún
Dime si no me perdonas aún
¿Qué harás con to' este veneno? Na' bueno
Dime si me echas de meno' aún

[Coro: ROSALÍA & Billie Eilish]
¿Lo va' a olvidar? Can you let it go? Can you let it go?
¿Lo va' a olvidar? Can you let it go? ¿Lo va' a olvidar?
¿Lo va' a olvidar? Can you let it go? Can you let it go?
¿Lo va' a olvidar? Can you let it go? ¿Lo va' a olvidar?

[Interludio: ROSALÍA]
Isn't good
And that's it
Ah, besitos, hahaha
Take care, please

[Verso 2: Billie Eilish & ROSALÍA]
Dime que no te arrepientes aún
Dime si aún queda algo en común
El tiempo que se pierde no vuelve
Dame un beso y bájame de la cru'
[Coro: ROSALÍA & Billie Eilish]

¿Lo va' a olvidar? Can you let it go? Can you let it go?
¿Lo va' a olvidar? Can you let it go? ¿Lo va' a olvidar?
¿Lo va' a olvidar? Can you let it go? Can you let it go?
¿Lo va' a olvidar? Can you let it go? ¿Lo va' a olvidar?

[Puente: ROSALÍA]
Ay, ay
Ay, ay, ay, ah-ah

[Outro: ROSALÍA & Billie Eilish]
El amor no puede medirse en paso firme
Un día soy un dio' y al otro puedo partirme
I needed to go 'cause I needed to know you don't need me
You reap what you saw, but it seems like you don't even see me
El amor no puede medirse en paso firme
Un día soy un dio' y al otro puedo partirme
You say it to me like it's something I have any choice in
If I wasn't important, then why would you waste all your poison?

Macklemore – Trump’s Over Freestyle Lyrics

[Intro]
(Hah, hah, that's enough, that's enough, that's enough!)
Fifty grand I get this all in one take, ey
(Turn it up!)

[Part 1]
Now, all you high fiving, MAGA white boys, drinking white claws
Care about your taxes more than human rights sign off
You no mask wearing, big truck driving
Blue lives matter, talking shit about the riots
Double standard once the white folks went and tried it
They're Patriots, no those are terrorists Brian
And all you liberals out there being silent
While black people dying, at the hands of police violence
That care more about animal rights and recycling
And bicycling and the climate and tooth paste with iron
You too are complicit, you too getting brought up
I'll give it to you pro bono, you too are the problem
I'm white there with ya, silence on all us
Comfy in my privilege like should I risk all this?
Yes, and if you think I care to lose you as a fan
Peace out bitch you know exactly where I stand

[Hook]
Trump's over, he lost (he lost)
Social Media kicked him off, he gone (he gone)
Throw a party on the White House lawn, retire the liar
Impeach that orange hoe, so long (you're fired)
Trump's over, he lost (he lost)
Social Media kicked him off, he gone (Yeah)
Throw a party on the White House lawn, retire the liar

Impeach that orange hoe, so long
[Part 2]
It's like Trump is just a symptom, that we ain't free from
Just old white supremacy that he would feed us
We celebrating, but to think a new era's begun
Still half the country feels the same way that he does so
What the f*ck are we gonna do now
Biden my dog, but he's close to getting put down
Surprise, another old white guy in the house
Who's fine, we just hold our breath when he opens his mouth
We thought 2021 was gonna save us
We thought that we were gonna all love our neighbors
We thought covid was over being contagious
Nope, America still armed, dumb and dangerous

[Hook]
Trump's over, he lost (he lost)
Social Media kicked him off, he gone (he gone)
Throw a party on the White House lawn, retire the liar
Impeach that orange hoe, so long (you're fired)
Trump's over, he lost (he lost)
Social Media kicked him off, he gone (Yeah)
Throw a party on the White House lawn, retire the liar
Impeach that orange hoe, so long (you're fired)

Dad, wait one second
Look, I want you to say the rest of the part and then I say
Donald Trump is gone!
Donald Trump's gone, sick-a-nin-nin town?
Got that voice, now sick-a-nin-nin lime?

Fredo Bang – Low Ridin Lyrics

RIP Ivy Smith
You gone but never forgotten
Imma hold it down
Put this shit on my back
Ya heard me

Low ridin’ on a hunt with a big pocket rocket
We int with none of that talkin’ we go in your pockets
We ain’t with none of that boxin’ I’m bustin’ your noggin
RIP to Ivy Smith was never forgotten

I do my own f*ckin’ hit just for sure your loss
Yeah I had to pay the cost just to be a big boss
Head yungin records yeah you know I’m with that sport
Disrespect my brother bang I’m knockin ya off
Pullin’ up hoppin’ out we choppin ’em down
When we hopped out he got down he knownin’ what that’s bout
I’m the reason that he made that paranoid song
I know whats going through his mind that youngin’ back home
Holdin it down for that top you know he ain’t wrong
Disrespect that f*ckin’ top you know that you gone
Gorrilas beaten on they chest tryna beat down your dome
Its like 2 something in the morning he ain’t make it home
Im out late ain’t tryna play I’m getting in your face
Pull up on side em doin’ a 100 we ain’t tryna race
Stop this bitch right on side em and let this bitch spray
Then hit the split ya bitch we had to get away
He say he hit back what he hit the f*ckin’ interstate
Yeah I pull off comfortable and smooth know how to get away
Smile on my face cause we made that p*ssy nigga lay
Go home go to sleep then we think about that f*ckin’ K

Low ridin’ on a hunt with a big pocket rocket
We int with none of that talkin’ we go in your pockets
We ain’t with none of that boxin’ I’m bustin’ your noggin’
RIP to Ivy Smith was never forgotten

All the opps be talkin’ shit guess I ain’t kill enough
Yeah all the dracos I done bought guess they ain’t feel enough
I copped the rental for my youngins now they fillin’ up
Pull on side the whip and put him down go pick your nigga up
Quick had died my momma creid that shit was funny huh
Niggas was laughin’ like they don’t know how I be comin’ huh
Yeah I just slimed me out a slime that nose was runnin’ huh
He put in a hunnid on a opp he getting that money now
Niggas be talkin’ bout this and that come get your shake back nigga
Before you diss me on a track come get your shake back nigga
How many times I gotta say it get your shake back nigga
I could of did it I’m on my Ivy shit I paid that nigga

Low ridin’ on a hunt with a big pocket rocket
We int with none of that talkin’ we go in your pockets
We ain’t with none of that boxin’ I’m bustin’ your noggin’
RIP to Ivy Smith was never forgotten

Smile on my face cause we made that p*ssy nigga lay
Go home go to sleep then we think about that f*ckin’
Smile on my face, smile smile on my face
Smile on my face when I think about that f*ckin’ K

Metro Marrs – Nonchalant Lyrics

[Intro]
(Ayy, Woods, light that shit up)
(LeVieux)
I'm So Nonchalant

[Chorus]
I'm so nonchalant
I'm so nonchalant
I keep two of 'em like my two red cups
Oh, on the beat, I OD [?]
Now I gotta keep one on sight, I'm a trophy
You know it's nothing, nonchalant
I drip down in Saint Laurent
You f*cked up, so what you want?

[Verse 1]
Heard she get the chills for it
Know she probably kill for it
Played her like a victim
I'm too up like asteroid
Bitch, I'm in my bag, boy
Duffle full of cash, boy, yeah
Stuff it all in my jeans
Like the brand, bitch, you know I go Supreme
Talking shit, it get turnt to extreme
[?]
Got varieties, like its Pokémon, yeah
[Chorus]
I'm so nonchalant
I'm so nonchalant
I keep two of 'em like my two red cups
Oh, on the beat, I OD [?]
Now I gotta keep one on sight, I'm a trophy

You know it's nothing, nonchalant
I drip down in Saint Laurent
You f*ckеd up, so what you want?

[Verse 2]
Amiri on my ass
I got Fendi on her bag , (whatchu want?)
Like how much it is and how much it cost
Likе f*ck the receipt, I won't take a loss
Ain't no layaway
I tell the opps just stay away, yeah
Talk out they neck and not they mouth
I'm the hardest out the South, yeah (oh, oh, oh,)
It's a new nigga in town
I f*ck your bitch and we don't lounge, no, no, no

[Chorus]
I'm so nonchalant
I'm so nonchalant
I keep two of 'em like my two red cups
Oh, on the beat, I OD [?]
Now I gotta keep one on sight, I'm a trophy
You know it's nothing, nonchalant
I drip down in Saint Laurent
You f*cked up, so what you want?
[Outro]
I'm so nonchalant
Oh, oh, oh, oh
Oh, oh, oh, oh

Chip – Lumidee Lyrics (feat. Young Adz & Young M.a)

[Intro: Young Adz & Chip]
Oh, oh, oh-oh
Oh-oh-oh
Oh-oh-oh
Bikini on my bed, f*ck you in the sand (Fanatix)
p*ssy spectacular (Yeah)

[Verse 1: Chip]
You might end up in the club when you should be at home (Roamin’)
When you sure to settle, but don’t wanna be alone (Tourin’)
I’ve seen bitches come and go, I seen rats come and go
Gyaldem hate when I come becah I cum and then I go (Bussin’ out)
And we ain’t nothin’ like we used to be (Mm-mm)
All them times I was lyin’, she was true to me
I should’ve been with her, but I was doin’ truancy (Listen)
When she caught me, I said, “Uh-oh”, on my Lumidee (Mad ting)
Wonder who you’rе gonna f*ck after me, I’m Big Chip
Every gyal want to walk off from mе (Sheesh)
But I’m not with the cuffin’, you can choose him if you like
But my spirit’s gonna haunt you if you choose him out of spite (Facts)

[Pre-Chorus: Chip]
Three gyal on me from my past, triple X’d in (Woo)
Feel like Vin Diesel, it got me steppin’ out flexin’ (Yeah)
You know how I stay, dawg, big zoobie, phone on plane mode
But I know it’s you I should be textin’

[Chorus: Young Adz & Young M.A.]
Baby girl, you gotta take me as I am
You know deep down you’re in my future plans, uh-huh
Catch me cheatin’ then you’re gonna get a tan
Louis V bag, it straight from Milan, uh-huh
Got ’em all mad on the ‘Gram about my main thing
She love me for who I am, and that’s the main thing
Bikini on my bed, f*ck you in the sand
And the p*ssy spectacular (Yeah)

[Verse 2: Young M.A.]
She loyal (Uh), do anything for you (Uh)
Spend a bag on designer clothes ’cause she spoil you (Drip)
I be in the trap five times out the week (Uh)
I tell her, “I’ll be back”, she thinkin’ I’m just tryna creep (Nah)
Can’t lie, had a couple baddies in the suite with the guys
Had to tell her, “Baby, they ain’t here for me” (Nah)
Gotta keep it G ’cause she a real one (Real one)
We ain’t got a family, shawty, we can build one (We can build one)
Tell your exes stop playin’, I will kill one (Oh, grrr)
I ain’t on that gangsta shit, but I’m still one (You know)
You know the drip got ’em sick, I’m a ill one (I’m an ill one)
And when I’m off the Hennessy, I don’t feel none (The Henny)
You know I’m rich, and if I’m rich, then you rich, too

And please don’t be a bitch and do the shit that a bitch do (Don’t do that)
I don’t wanna argue, baby, show me what them lips do (Ooh)
You know you come first like the rent due, stop playin’

[Chorus: Young Adz]
Baby girl, you gotta take me as I am
You know deep down you’re in my future plans, uh-huh
Catch me cheatin’ then you’re gonna get a tan
Louis V bag, it straight from Milan, uh-huh
Got ’em all mad on the ‘Gram about my main thing
She love me for who I am, and that’s the main thing
Bikini on my bed, f*ck you in the sand
And the p*ssy spectacular

[Verse 3: Chip]
Yeah, p*ssy spectacular (Mm)
From the front, on the sides, or the back, you know? (Woah)
Let me bite up your neck like I’m Dracula (Let me)
Might be gone in the morn, but I’ll be back, you know? (Skrr)
Now are you really tryna find another papi? (Huh?)
Now you got me thinking ’bout the nights you called me daddy (Come on)
I ain’t gonna answer, know your exes can’t stand me, but
Even if you’re not with me, I’ll rather see you happy, settle down and have a family, yo (Woo)
Me ah man wan’ nah fight over gyal, but still
You got me thinkin’ ’bout the future, I do’s and I will’s
NSG, options, he won’t, I will
I don’t argue, I go silent, baby, you know time heals (Yeah)

[Pre-Chorus: Chip]
Three gyal on me from my past, triple X (Woo)
Feel like Vin Diesel when I step (Dom)
You know how I stay, dawg, big zoobie, phone on plane mode
But it’s really you I wanna text (Check)

[Chorus: Young Adz]
Baby girl, you gotta take me as I am
You know deep down you’re in my future plans, uh-huh
Catch me cheatin’ then you’re gonna get a tan
Louis V bag, it straight from Milan, uh-huh
Got ’em all mad on the ‘Gram about my main thing
She love me for who I am, and that’s the main thing
Bikini on my bed, f*ck you in the sand
And the p*ssy spectacular

[Outro: Young Adz]
Baby girl, you gotta take me as I am
You know deep down you’re in my future plans, uh-huh
Catch me cheatin’ then you’re gonna get a tan
Louis V bag, it straight from Milan, uh-huh
Got ’em all mad on the ‘Gram about my main thing
She love me for who I am, and that’s the main thing
Bikini on my bed, f*ck you in the sand
And the p*ssy spectacular

Lilhuddy – 21st Century Vampire Lyrics

[Verse 1]
Dark circles under my eyes
No sunlight up in my sky
Can't feel the pain I'm immune

[Chorus]
I don't get tired
I'm a 21st century vampire
21st century vampire
I guess I'm just meant to be sleepin' all day
I don't got no f*cking life
I'm just a 21st century vampire
Yeah, yeah, yeah
Yeah, yeah, yeah

[Verse 2]
I'm not afraid to die
I'll make your boyfriend cry
I'm howling at the moon

[Chorus]
I don't get tired
I'm a 21st century vampire

21st century vampire
I guess I'm just meant to be sleepin' all day
I don't got no f*cking life
I'm just a 21st century vampire
Yeah, yeah, yеah
[Bridge]
Save your heart for someonе who's got one

[Guitar Solo]
Yeah, yeah, yeah

[Chorus]
I don't get tired
I'm a 21st century vampire
21st century vampire
I guess I'm just meant to be sleepin' all day
I don't got no f*cking life
I'm just a 21st century vampire
Yeah, yeah, yeah
Yeah, yeah, yeah
Yeah, yeah, yeah

Trztn – Hieroglyphs Lyrics (feat. Karen O)

Hieroglyphs in the dust of the first eclipse
Paradise in the black Abyss
Hieroglyphs

Hieroglyphs in the dust of the first eclipse
Reach around for the perfect script

Hier
Hier
Hieroglyphs

(I don’t want to hear about it)
Hier
Hier
Hier
Hier
Hieroglyphs
Hier
I am high
Hier

Kaleb Austin – Sound Of The South Lyrics

[Verse 1]
Got a tattoo on the back of my mind
You burned it there last Saturday night
Had a bed in the bed of my truck moonshine to kill
Made love like rain on red hot steel

[Chorus]
And we're gettin' down all night long
With all of them crickets singin' little love songs
South Georgia wind runnin' over our skin
Had the radio down on low
Listen to the creek rollin' by real slow
And when the sun came around, we were still gettin' down
To the sound of the South (Whoa, whoa, oh)
To the sound of the South (Whoa, whoa, oh)

[Verse 2]
Both high buzzin' like a fire fly
Lightin' up the midnight sky
Had the stars wrappin' us up and all I could hear
Was is the sound of you whispеrin' in my ear

[Chorus]
And gettin' down all night long
With all of them crickеts singin' little love songs
South Georgia wind runnin' over our skin

Had the radio down on low
Listen to the creek rollin' by real slow
And when the sun came around, we were still gettin' down
To the sound of the South (Whoa, whoa, oh)
To the sound of the South (Whoa, whoa, oh)
[Bridge]
Gettin' down, down, down
To the sound, sound, sound
Gettin' down, down, down
To the sound, sound, sound
Gettin' down, down, down
To the sound, sound, sound
Gettin' down, down, down
To the… sound

[Chorus]
Gettin' down all night long
All of them crickets singin' little love songs
South Georgia wind runnin' over our skin
Had the radio down on low
Listen to the creek rollin' by real slow
And when the sun came around, we were still gettin' down
Yeah
When that sun came around, we were still gettin' down
To the sound of the South
(Whoa, whoa, oh)
The sound of the South
(Whoa, whoa, oh)

For Latinos ineligible to vote, US census offers a path to political power

For Latinos ineligible to vote, US census offers a path to political power

The instability wrought by the pandemic could lead to census counts of historically undercounted Latino communities. Organizers are racing to get people to fill it out before the Sept. 30 deadline.

By
Max Rivlin-Nadler

Player utilities

download

Listen to the story.

Signs advertising the 2020 US Census cover a closed and boarded up business amid the coronavirus outbreak in Seattle, Washington, March 23, 2020.

Credit:

Brian Snyder/Reuters

Share

This story is part of “Every 30 Seconds,” a collaborative public media reporting project tracing the young Latino electorate leading up to the 2020 presidential election and beyond.

By her first day of college last week, Marlene Herrera had moved several times since the coronavirus pandemic hit. 

First, her mother, three aunts and cousins all moved into one house to save money. Now, Herrera, who is 18, splits her time between that house, her father’s house and another house with an aunt. She’s helping take care of three younger cousins while also taking classes on Zoom. 

Amid the shuffle, Herrera didn’t know whether she’d been counted in this year’s census. Her mother said she had been — as one of 13 people in her aunt’s household. Though Herrera will vote in her first presidential election this November, not all of her family members will be eligible to do so, given their varying immigration statuses. But being counted in the census ensures they’ll play a small part in the US political process.

Herrera’s housing situation is typical for US families whose finances have fluctuated during the pandemic. Like hundreds of thousands of workers across the country, her mother was briefly laid off and faced delays before her unemployment insurance kicked in. Those income gaps have led families to double and triple up to keep a roof over their heads. 

Marlene Herrera, 18, will vote in her first presidential election this November.

Credit:

 Adriana Heldiz/The World

The instability is one reason census organizers are worried about a possible undercount among Latino communities. A Brookings survey from late July found that 29% of Latino families have had someone in their household lose their job during COVID-19, and that 49% of Latino renters are having trouble paying their rent. Latinos, especially young Latinos, have already been undercounted in previous censuses. Past undercounts have led to less federal funding for predominantly Latino neighborhoods and less representation in Congress.  

Another worry for Latino advocates and census workers is that they’re running out of time to find and count everyone. 

Related: ‘COVID-19 is in charge of the census,’ says former US Census Bureau director

After initially extending the census deadline to the end of October, the Trump administration announced last month that in-person counting efforts would end Sept. 30. The Census Bureau said it will end door-knocking operations in the San Diego area and other parts of the country on Sept. 18

Some Latino organizers say getting Latinos counted in the census can bring about even more change than casting a single vote. While elections take place once or twice a year, getting counted in the census means one person’s existence will be used again and again to provide funding to their community for the next decade. The census counts people regardless of their immigration status. 

The CARES Act, the pandemic relief funding bill Congress passed in March — was allocated in part based on the 2010 census. 

Paola Aracely Ilescas, a community health specialist, organizes agricultural workers from Mexico and Central America who work in avocado fields in northeast San Diego County. Most of them can’t vote because they are not US citizens: They’re either legal permanent residents, undocumented or work on temporary visas. Their children, many of whom are US citizens, are still too young to vote. 

So for the workers to participate politically, Ilescas wants them to get counted in the census.

“We tell them, ‘You count yourself this year, you’re making sure you count for the next ten years’.”

Paola Aracely Ilescas, community health specialist in San Diego County

“We tell them, ‘You count yourself this year, you’re making sure you count for the next ten years’,” said Aracely Ilescas, who works for Vista Community Clinic, a nonprofit health center. “You don’t count yourself this year, you basically are not receiving or don’t exist for the next ten years. And guess what? We’re going to lose $2,000 each year for each person that doesn’t count for the next ten years.”

But Aracely Ilescas says it’s hard to get a community that’s been relentlessly targeted by immigration enforcement to answer questions from government workers who are now knocking on doors tracking down people who haven’t yet answered the census. 

“Many of them have said other people have expressed distrust,” she said. “Are they really employees or are they faking to be employees in order to get them? Because for years we’ve been saying, ‘Don’t open the door to ICE officials. This is your right.’ Now we’re saying, ‘Open the door!’”

That transition, she explains, requires trust between organizers pushing for an accurate census count and local communities. But in California, where 27% of the population is immigrants, other issues — such as wildfires and the pandemic — are taking priority.

Related: Pandemic, privacy rules add to worries over 2020 census accuracy

On a recent sweltering day in San Marcos, an inland city in southern California, wildfires threatened rural communities. Arcela Nunez-Alvarez, a community organizer, had planned to lead volunteers to pass out census literature. Instead, they helped with relief efforts when the fires reached area farmworkers.

Nunez-Alvarez trains workers to become community leaders. 

“We work with a lot of adults, many have very limited formal education. They’ve had to work their entire lives, but care about their community,” Nunez-Alvarez said, standing outside of a low-income housing development beside a box of signs reminding people to fill out the census. She grew up in the area and understands the importance of messaging: it needs to come from someone they trust.

“These leaders live in apartment complexes like this one here, around us,” she said. “They’re members of the community, they speak the language of the community, they look like the community that we’re trying to reach.”

While many community members can’t vote, she says, that doesn’t mean they don’t play a role in getting resources to their areas. 

“We think that being counted in the 2020 census is a foundational part of participating in democracy, and that’s what we’ve been sharing with families.”

Arcela Nunez-Alvarez, community organizer

“These are communities that have been politically disengaged or disenfranchised and undercounted in the census,” she said. “We think that being counted in the 2020 census is a foundational part of participating in democracy, and that’s what we’ve been sharing with families. We’re talking about millions of people nationally that risk being left out of the census.”

The efforts by groups like hers have been paying off. As it stands, the cities of Vista and San Marcos are ahead of their final self-response rate from 2010 by 5%. That means government census takers have less ground to cover. 

But concerted efforts by organizers with deep connections to the community aren’t always so successful. In City Heights, a dense, immigrant-heavy neighborhood of San Diego, the census response rate is still lagging behind that of 2010. 

Related: Census 2020 ads don’t do enough to dispel immigrant fears, advocates say

An undercount would narrow the political power of Latinos in their own communities, says Rosa Olascoaga, a 24-year-old community organizer in City Heights, California.

“If our undocumented communities or our immigrant communities are scared to get counted, then we lose thousands and thousands of dollars every time we get counted, because the government doesn’t see us living here,” she said. “And that leaves us fighting for crumbs when we know we deserve more.” 

She works for Mid-City Community Action Network and focuses on the transportation needs of local immigrants. In a car-centric city like San Diego, the census is one of the few ways to get funding for buses, trolleys and safer streets. 

Ultimately, she knows the census — and this year’s election — must take a backseat to people’s immediate needs during the pandemic. Disillusionment with the government among Latino communities is high. And organizers like her can’t go door-to-door allaying people’s fears the way they did before the pandemic. Olascoaga hears those sentiments but hopes the community still prioritizes voting.

“I understand the government already made you feel that it doesn’t matter. These systems don’t work,” she added, wishing that impactful, in-person activism were still possible in 2020. “It hurts that we can’t have those face-to-face interactions.” 

Time is running out for Latino communities — encompassing people who are undocumented, immigrants and US citizens — that have just a few weeks to make themselves count. 

And a decade to live with the results.

A Black radio host calls on South Asian Americans to reject racism

A Black radio host calls on South Asian Americans to reject racism

Khafre Jay taught himself Hindi so he could call out acts of racism by Indian Americans on his radio show. He touched on a subject many Indian Americans don't talk about: the prevalence of anti-Black attitudes in the South Asian community.

By
Deepa Fernandes

Player utilities

download

Listen to the story.

Khafre Jay, the executive director of Hip Hop for Change, based in Oakland, says he has experienced anti-black actions from Indian Americans when visiting his in-laws in Sunnyvale, a suburb of the Bay Area that is majority South Asian.

Credit:

Matt Rogers/The World

Share

Exasperation drenched radio host Khafre Jay’s voice as he spoke between tunes on a recent edition of his Sunday afternoon hip hop show. His visits to see family in Sunnyvale, a Bay Area suburb with a large and fast-growing South Asian population, infuriated him. 

“People walk past me like they’re afraid,” said Jay, who is Black. “Sometimes people cross the street and then when they get past me, then they cross back.” 

But worse, he said, were the times when “people [called] the police on me,” assuming he was up to no good.

Asians make up almost half of Sunnyvale’s population, while Blacks comprise less than 2%. The mistreatment Jay experienced came from Indian Americans, he said.

“There are so many brown people here in Sunnyvale, I don’t know why I should be experiencing racism down here… like, we should be walking hand-in-hand. We face the same white supremacy on a daily basis.”

Khafre Jay, radio host

“There are so many brown people here in Sunnyvale, I don’t know why I should be experiencing racism down here…like, we should be walking hand-in-hand. We face the same white supremacy on a daily basis,” Jay said.

Jay, who is the executive director of the nonprofit Hip Hop For Change, decided to speak out about it. 

During one July radio show, broadcast across the Bay Area on public radio station KPOO, Jay went on a bilingual offensive, throwing out Hindi lines he learned on Google to express his frustration. 

“Why are you staring at me?” Jay attempted in Hindi. “Do you know that I’m a human being?”

His radio rant came a few weeks into the nation’s deep reckoning with systemic racism in the wake of the murder of George Floyd, a Black man killed by a white police officer in Minneapolis. 

“The most beautiful thing about what’s happening after George Floyd is so many white folks out in the streets fighting for Black liberation,” he said. 

Indian Americans, too, have come out to protest racism. Within days of Floyd’s death, South Asians in Palo Alto organized a racial justice solidarity protest by spreading the word on Facebook. Yet in protests from Oakland to San Francisco, the South Asian community has not been a large or organized presence.

Nilesh Junnarkar, left, Esha Junnarkar, center, and Anushka Junnarkar take part in a racial justice protest organized by Indian American groups in Palo Alto, California, on June 5, 2020.

Credit:

Courtesy of Priya Junnarkar 

Related: How Indian Americans are reacting to Kamala Harris as Joe Biden’s VP pick

What Indian Americans often don’t talk about is exactly what Jay called out on the radio: the prevalence of anti-Black attitudes in the South Asian community. This is perhaps one reason more Indian Americans have not joined the protests. 

“There is a problem, and we need to address that in the South Asian community,” said Basab Pradhan, who runs a Bay Area theater company that stages plays for the Indian community. 

Part of the problem among Indians in this part of California is a lack of exposure to Black Americans within their own communities, says Pradhan, a Bay Area resident of many years. 

“There are places in the Bay Area, like Fremont, like Sunnyvale, like Cupertino, where the density of Indians is so high that you just glom onto that instead of widening your social circle,” Pradhan said. 

Furthermore, many Indians in the Bay Area work in the tech sector, and Silicon Valley companies employ low rates of Black people. 

Pradhan says Indian Americans in the Bay Area tend to have higher incomes and may believe issues like police brutality just don’t affect them. 

In 2017, his theater company staged a play about police brutality that provoked intense questions about justice and impunity. The play refused to sanitize how African Americans have been brutalized by the police. Yet attendance was low, Pradhan said. 

Actors Paul Costello, left, and Nabil Awad perform in a play “Counter Offence,” that tackles police brutality and was staged at the Bay Area Drama Company. The theater’s co-artistic director Basab Pradhan said the play was not well-attended.

Credit:

Courtesy of Bay Area Drama Company

Pradhan’s wife, Vidya, also works to raise consciousness within the Indian community. 

“Misinformation thrives in a vacuum,” she said. “If you have no information about the history of Black people, then it’s going to be filled in by whatever comes your way.”

Hollywood’s negative stereotypes of Black men can take hold, Pradhan says. She recently held workshops about Black history for Indian American children. Parents were interested, too, she said, and that gives her hope that this moment of racial justice reckoning might be opening some hearts and minds in the Indian American community. 

Yet Basab Pradhan points out anti-Black sentiment among Indian Americans may be connected to something far deeper: India’s entrenched caste system, which traces its roots to a rigid hierarchy present in Hindu scriptures. The priestly class, Brahmins, sit at the top, while Dalits are subjected to the bottom rung. 

Related: The US isn’t safe from the trauma of caste bias

Indians of higher castes hold many of the same stereotypes about lower caste Indians that whites hold about Blacks in the US, Pradhan says. Brahmins often believe lower castes to be lazy and not smart, and to get jobs or college placements due to affirmative action programs in India rather than their own smarts. Pradhan says it’s a challenge to erase these beliefs.  

“The education system [in India] does not work to blunt caste divisions in India, it works to cover it up. Then you come here and you take that system in your head and you apply it to your new country and it results in prejudice against Black people or Hispanic people.”

Basab Pradhan, co-founder, Bay Area Drama Company

“The education system [in India] does not work to blunt caste divisions in India, it works to cover it up,” Pradhan said. “Then you come here and you take that system in your head and you apply it to your new country and it results in prejudice against Black people or Hispanic people.”

Although discriminatory practices by upper-caste Brahmins against lower-caste Dalits are against the law in India, they happen in plain sight. 

Caste discrimination also takes place within the Indian community in the US. 

A survey by a nonprofit Dalit civil rights group, Equality Labs, found that two-thirds of the respondents felt discriminated against in their workplace due to their caste. 

Related: Netflix’s ‘Indian Matchmaking’ stirs conversation about tradition, colorism and caste

In a landmark case brought in June by the state of California, regulators are suing tech firm Cisco Systems, accusing it of discrimination against an Indian American engineer because of his lower-caste status. The company has denied the allegations. 

The Cisco case has brought to light more stories from Dalit Indians of caste discrimination at US workplaces. Software engineer Maya Kamble said she has experienced it a lot

“I never could imagine that I would face the caste system after coming to the US,” she said. “It’s not so easy when you have an Indian manager. Managers have a lot of control over what kind of bonuses you get, whether you get promoted or not.”

Kamble says she recently left a job because of the hostile work environment created by her Indian manager.

Yet, caste discrimination against Dalits is something that has brought lower-caste Indian Americans to identify strongly with other oppressed communities in the US, according to Thenmozhi Soundararajan, executive director of Equality Labs.

“Dalits have been really pushing the rest of the South Asian community that if you want to really show up for Black lives, you have to work on your internal hegemonies of caste and that will really change the way that you show up for all oppressed peoples.”

Thenmozhi Soundararajan, executive director, Equality Labs

“Dalits have been really pushing the rest of the South Asian community that if you want to really show up for Black lives, you have to work on your internal hegemonies of caste and that will really change the way that you show up for all oppressed peoples,” she said.

Dalit South Asian Americans have a long history of solidarity with African American communities, Soundararajan said. There were the Dalit Panthers, who were directly inspired by the Black Panthers. And famous Dalit leader, Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, reached across the ocean from India to build solidarity with Black Americans, she said. 

“This goes back many years from the correspondence between W.E.B. Dubois and Dr. Ambedkar about the possibilities for engagement at the UN [United Nations] for issues of caste and racial justice,” Soundararajan said. 

Khafre Jay says he wants Black and brown communities to stand in solidarity against racism.

Credit:

Matt Rogers/The World

Khafre Jay, the hip hop community organizer, often invokes the same Black thinkers and activists on his show. 

“Part of me is pissed at the [Indian American] community out here for excluding me and making me feel so unwelcome, and using the man and the dogs of the man to police me,” he said. 

Yet Jay also wants to express solidarity. And he’s not giving up on learning Hindi. 

“As a Black dude looking like me speaking Hindi, I think my biggest point to the Indian community would be like, ‘Hey, we have to fight because oppression for anybody becomes oppression for everybody.’”

Nigeria’s ‘Ìfé’ film reclaims love at the center of LGBTQ stories

Nigeria’s ‘Ìfé’ film reclaims love at the center of LGBTQ stories

By
Bianca Hillier

Player utilities

download

Listen to the story.

“Ífé” film features two women in love in Nigeria. 

Credit:

Courtesy of The Equality Hub

Share

“Ìfé,” one of the newest Nollywood films coming out of Nigeria, is unlike any that has come before. Upon release, it’ll be the country’s first positive love story made by queer women about queer women.

“I have never been proud to release anything to the world as much as I am proud of this film.”

Pamela Adie, “Ìfé” film producer

“I have never been proud to release anything to the world as much as I am proud of this film,” said Pamela Adie, an LGBTQ advocate and producer of “Ìfé.” The film, Adie said, follows two women falling in love over a three-day date, “who then have their love tested by the realities of being in a same-sex relationship in a country like Nigeria.”

Related: This senior center is helping Mexico’s ‘invisible’ LGBTQ seniors

Those realities can be wide-reaching. Under the country’s Same-Sex Prohibition Act, queer Nigerians face up to 14 years in prison for showing affection in public, a law which 75% of the country supports, according to a recent survey by The Initiative for Equal Rights.

The love story between Ìfé and Adaora is fictional, Adie said. But the plot will be familiar to queer Nigerians.

Related: Abruptly canceled, ShanghaiPRIDE could be harbinger for China’ civil society

“We fall in love. We break people’s hearts. Other people break our hearts. You know? And … we also want family. … So, all of these things really present a picture of the complexity of love — of same-sex love — in a country like Nigeria, where you have to deal with a lot of homophobic attitudes.”

Pamela Adie, “Ìfé” film producer

“We fall in love. We break people’s hearts. Other people break our hearts. You know? And … we also want family,” Adie said. “So, all of these things really present a picture of the complexity of love — of same-sex love — in a country like Nigeria, where you have to deal with a lot of homophobic attitudes.”

Adie said she knows the film “Ìfé” won’t get rid of all homophobic attitudes in Nigeria. Instead, she hopes it helps to reclaim the stories of Nigeria’s LGBTQ community on screen when it’s released later this year. 

But the film won’t be played in theaters. Cinemas are largely still closed due to the pandemic, but the crew also knows the film wouldn’t be approved by Nigeria’s National Film and Video Censors Board (NFVCB). The Board’s executive director, Adedayo Thomas, said he’s seen the trailer and read about the plot.

Related: Thailand set to legalize LGBTQ unions, a rare step in Asia

“The law criminalizes LGTB [sic]. … Such things are classified under obscene, blasphemous, indecent. So, it’s not going to be passed for public viewing.”

Adedayo Thomas, executive director, National Film and Video Censors Board

“The law criminalizes LGTB [sic],” Thomas said. “Such things are classified under obscene, blasphemous, indecent. So, it’s not going to be passed for public viewing.”

    View this post on Instagram         

Can you guess what was happening here?😅 . Cc @equalityhub @kristigbemi @uyaiedu @uzoamaka_a @dynaziie #ÌFÈ #ÌFÈtheMovie #ComingSoon #BTS #ShortFilm #Naija #Storytelling

A post shared by ÌFÉ the Movie (@ife_movie) on Jul 6, 2020 at 6:25am PDT

For now, that’s OK with the “Ìfé” team; they’re planning a surprise release online. But Thomas said the NFVCB monitors streaming platforms, too, and “Ìfé” on the internet would also violate Nigerian law.

“So, if it goes [to an] online platform, the producers [and] those who act in it would be called for prosecution,” Thomas said. 

“Ìfé” producer Adie said she isn’t worried about the censors board.

“They don’t matter,” she said. “Because we don’t need them for anything. This is art, this is film. And there is no law that says that we cannot produce this kind of content.

The point of this kind of content, according to Adie, is to show that queer people exist in Nigeria, and lead full, complex lives that Nollywood films have not previously featured. 

“The whole essence of making this film is to really correct some of the wrong narratives that have come out of Nollywood,” she said.

A 2003 film called “Emotional Crack” is widely regarded as the first Nollywood movie to feature a lesbian couple. The film follows a relationship between a woman named Camilla and a married woman, Crystal.

“It was actually a nice film,” said Lindsey Green-Simms, an associate professor of literature at American University who has been researching LGBTQ representation in African films for the past decade. She added: “It ended with the death and psychotic breakdown of the lesbian character, but up until that point, it was a complex, emotional relationship.”

“Emotional Crack” has been criticized for suggesting that the character, Crystal, was only attracted to a woman because she was being abused by her husband. Critics also say that the violence at the movie’s end reinforces a homophobic stereotype. Green-Simms agreed that those negative stereotypes are prevalent. But, she said, “Emotional Crack” needs to be put in perspective.

“Especially in 2003, there was almost no representation of queerness in popular culture. … And even some of the films that are — hands down — stereotypical, homophobic films, they still worked to affirm the fact that there are queer people in Nigeria. And that, in and of itself, is groundbreaking.”

Lindsey Green-Simms, associate professor of literature, American University

“Especially in 2003, there was almost no representation of queerness in popular culture,” Green-Simms said. “And even some of the films that are — hands down — stereotypical, homophobic films, they still worked to affirm the fact that there are queer people in Nigeria. And that, in and of itself, is groundbreaking.”

While negative stereotypes dominate in the majority of Nollywood films, LGBTQ representation in Nigeria’s entertainment industry has expanded over the past 20 years. Both Green-Simms and Adie said this was most notable when LGBTQ organizations like the Initiative for Equal Rights began producing their own content that centered queer characters. 

The films — “Hell or High Water,” “Walking with Shadows,” and “We Don’t Live Here Anymore,” to name a few — all featured gay men.

“But they haven’t been love stories,” Adie said. “They’ve been stories about the difficulties of being a gay man in Nigeria.” 

In contrast, “Ìfé”’s title translates to “love” in the Yoruba language. The film’s director, Uyaiedu Ikpe-Etim, believes it will stand out from the rest.

“I think that anyone who’s watching it is definitely going to be surprised. Like, ‘ooh, nice. Two Nigerian women in love.’”

Uyaiedu Ikpe-Etim, “Ìfé” film director 

“I personally haven’t seen any films like this from Nigeria,”  Ikpe-Etim said in a video posted on the film’s YouTube page. “So, I think that anyone who’s watching it is definitely going to be surprised. Like, ‘ooh, nice. Two Nigerian women in love.’”

With Kamala Harris, Americans again have trouble understanding what ‘multiracial’ means

With Kamala Harris, Americans again have trouble understanding what 'multiracial' means

While the debates about Kamala Harris’ multiracial identity may seem new, they echo the commentary and confusion faced by other high-profile mixed-race people in the US such as Tiger Woods.

By
Jennifer Ho

Kamala Harris, the Democratic vice-presidential nominee.

Credit:

Michael A. McCoy/Getty Images

Share

News that Sen. Kamala Harris was Joe Biden’s choice for the 2020 Democratic vice presidential nominee drove speculation and argumentation about her identity. The big question appeared to be, “Is Kamala Harris truly African American?”

There were numerous articles and opinion pieces about: whether Harris can legitimately claim to be African American; the authenticity of her Black identity, if she has an Indian mother; what it means for her to be biracial; and other articles opining and speculating about her overlapping and complex racial, ethnic and even national identities.

Harris, the daughter of immigrant parents from Jamaica and India, identifies as Black/African American while also embracing her Indian heritage. Yet the questions in social media and news outlets swirling around her identities demonstrate a continued misunderstanding of race and mixed-race people.

‘ADOS’ criticism

While the debates about Harris’ racial identities may seem new given the recent media attention focused on her, they are similar to the commentary other high-profile mixed-race people have received.

When I did research for my chapter on Tiger Woods in my book “Racial Ambiguity in Asian American Culture,” I found much criticism of Woods’ calling himself “Cablinasian” (a word Woods made up as a teen to account for his Caucasian, Black, American Indian and Asian heritages) and for not solely identifying as Black. Several articles expressed confusion about his multiraciality – the uncertainty over the most accurate racial category to fit him into.

The discussions of Woods mirror the critiques of Harris.

The competing interpretations of Harris’ identity, as with Woods, seem to be a function of her multiple, intersecting identities (including race, class and gender) as well as the public’s deep discomfort with people who don’t fit into fixed boxes.

For example, some people want to disavow Harris’ Blackness because of her multiple ethnic and racial affiliations. Others claim her as Jamaican or Indian, which serves as evidence of her success as a member of an ethnic group or which celebrates a shared cultural connection with her.

Some see her Jamaican and Indian ethnicities as diminishing her claim to a Black American experience, unlike those who are known as “ADOS,” or American Descendants of Slavery. Because Harris’ ancestors do not include those who were enslaved in the US, concerns held by ADOS advocates focus on how neither she nor her family can know the deep historical pain of US anti-Black racism.

Embedded in this concern are echoes of the questions Black Americans face who have passed, who chose whiteness to escape slavery or leave the Jim Crow South, or those who choose multiraciality to flee the social stigma of Blackness. Questioning Harris’ bona fides to being a Black American is questioning where her loyalties lie.

Whither the one-drop rule?

There are political reasons why some may want to discredit Harris’ claims to Blackness, believing that saying she’s not truly Black means she shouldn’t be relatable to Black voters.

But the desire to see Harris as only Black or worries that she is not truly African American derive from the racist US past of the one-drop rule of racial impurity, which sociologist F. James Wood has described as the idea that “a single drop of ‘black blood’ makes a person a black.” That was an ideology from the majority of US history — from its founding through to the Jim Crow era — when race was firmly believed to be a matter of blood.

Scientists for well over half a century have disproven any link between race and genetics. Scholars have been writing and researching, for decades, about how race is a social construction rather than a biological absolute.

But in public discussion in the US, race is treated as an entity that can be measured and labeled. That is why people are questioning the validity of Harris’ African American identity. They believe that her racial affiliation can somehow be quantified and weighed on a scale of authenticity.

Underlying these questions of authenticity are questions of legitimacy. Multiracial people are constantly confronted by those who question their whole selves and their choice to authentically identify with multiple races. For these critics, to qualify for membership in a race or ethnicity means one must be 100% of that group. Anything less means you cannot be a real member of any given culture, ethnicity or race.

Yet the reality and experiences of multiracial people’s lives, like that of Harris, suggest that basic math cannot capture the realities of what it means to embody multiple races and ethnicities. As one subject of multiracial artist Kip Fulbeck’s photo installation of mixed-race Asian Americans in The Hapa Project states, “I am 100% Black and 100% Japanese.”

[Deep knowledge, daily. Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter.]

Evolution of racial categories

Racial identity is not only about external features (eye shape, hair texture, skin color) and ancestral lines. It is about the cultural and social habits and rituals that people participate in as they claim their affiliations with ethnic and racial groups.

Being a graduate of @HowardU and a proud member of @akasorority1908 changed my life. Today, I’m excited to announce we’ve launched a national program to mobilize HBCU and Black fraternity and sorority members with our campaign. #ForThePeople pic.twitter.com/vY1oz7ihpj

— Kamala Harris (@KamalaHarris) June 19, 2019

The Indian food that Harris consumes speaks volumes about the ethnic influences she embraces, as does the Black sorority she pledged and the historically Black college she attended.

Anyone confused about Kamala Harris’ multiraciality may recall that the US is a nation that was not built by a single ethnic or racial group.

Indeed, US land was taken from various Indigenous nations and built by the enslaved labor of people from multiple African nations and tribes for the benefit of others who hailed from a variety of European nations. And other immigrants from Latin America and the Pacific Rim settled in North America and made the US their home.

Harris, as the first US multiracial, multiethnic female vice presidential candidate, reflects the evolution of racial categories, which coincides with an ever-evolving understanding of race and racism in the 21st century.

Jennifer Ho is Professor of Asian American Studies at the University of Colorado Boulder. This article is republished from The Conversation, a non-profit news site dedicated to unlocking ideas from academia, under a Creative Commons license.

A Paris neighborhood honors 92-year-old Holocaust survivor who died after COVID-19 bout

A Paris neighborhood honors 92-year-old Holocaust survivor who died after COVID-19 bout

By
Rebecca Rosman

Player utilities

download

Listen to the story.

James Smurthwaite stands next to the obituary sign he made to honor his late neighbor Eugene Deutsch. 

Credit:

Rebecca Rosman/The World 

Share

Le Chateau Landon is a quiet, nondescript brasserie in the 10th arrondissement of Paris, steps away from the Gare de l’Est railway terminal.

Not much about the black and red interior stands out. But the café has kept a steady clientele of regulars for decades — many of whom are older people.

In April, it lost one of its favorite regulars: A 92-year-old man named Eugene Deutsch who had survived the Holocaust, then a bout with COVID-19.  

Related: Coronavirus tears through Canada nursing homes

Deutsch was a neighborhood figure known for making the daily rounds at the local cafés and bakeries. He would have his morning coffee at Le Chateau Landon, followed by an afternoon Côtes du Rhône wine at the neighboring Le Cristal. In between, he would buy himself a fresh baguette — always bien cuite, or “well done.”

But when France went into lockdown in mid-March, this routine was upended. Deutsch’s health quickly deteriorated.

Philippe, the café’s owner, says that once the lockdown took effect, Deutsch “lost his taste for life.” It’s something he’s seen happen to many older people in the neighborhood. 

“[Older people] aren’t necessarily dying of COVID-19, but in a way, they’re dying because of it.”

Philippe, owner, Le Chateau Landon

“They aren’t necessarily dying of COVID-19, but in a way, they’re dying because of it,” he said.

Related: Isolation may be a greater risk than COVID-19 for Canada’s nursing homes

Deutsch was hospitalized shortly after the lockdown took effect. Neighbors say that he was diagnosed with COVID-19, but recovered and went home. He died a few weeks later from an unrelated health issue. 

He had lived in the same building for more than six decades. James Smurthwaite was one of Deutsch’s neighbors. 

“Imagine spending years spending 62 years somewhere and when you leave, it’s met with complete silence.”

James Smurthwaite, neighbor of the late Eugene Deutsch

“Imagine spending years spending 62 years somewhere, and when you leave it’s met with complete silence,” Smurthwaite says.

Related: Netherlands nursing home builds ‘glass cabin’ for safe visits

While they rarely exchanged more than simple pleasantries, Smurthwaite says he was deeply touched by Deutsch and wanted to do something to honor his memory. In late April, he attached an obituary to a tree in front of their building.

Deutsch was generally reserved and didn’t talk much about his personal life. But here’s what Smurthwaite was able to share.

Eugene Deutsch was born in Hungary in 1928. When he was a boy, he was sent to the Buchenwald concentration camp in Germany, something he never spoke about after the war. In the 1950s he settled in Paris, where he worked as a security guard at a department store. Deutsch never married or had children, but he enjoyed being around others. 

Smurthwaite says that above all, Deutsch loved being outside and used to walk for miles every day.  

Smurthwaite hopes those reading the dedication he posted will spare a thought for the many older people now stuck inside, and who, like Deutsch, may never see a world post-COVID-19.

“With COVID[-19], this generation will know only their last days in this context and I think that’s devastating.” 

James Smurthwaite, neighbor of the late Eugene Deutsch

“With COVID[-19], this generation will know only their last days in this context, and I think that’s devastating,” Smurthwaite says.

Back at the café, the owner Philippe, who only goes by his first name, grabs a teeny tiny wine glass he keeps on a shelf behind the bar. It’s so small, they don’t actually make this kind of glass anymore. But he kept it for Deutsch.

“And now this glass is sad,” he says. “It’s a small souvenir of someone who I miss dearly…someone who was a pillar of the neighborhood.”

Germany: Russian dissident Navalny poisoned with nerve agent Novichok

Germany: Russian dissident Navalny poisoned with nerve agent Novichok

In this file photo taken on Sept. 8, 2019, Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny, with his wife Yulia, right, daughter Daria, and son Zakhar pose for the media after voting during a city council election in Moscow, Russia.

Credit:

Andrew Lubimov/AP

Share

Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was poisoned with the same type of Soviet-era nerve agent that British authorities identified in a 2018 attack on a former Russian spy, the German government said Wednesday, citing new test results.

Chancellor Angela Merkel’s spokesman, Steffen Seibert, said in a statement that testing by a special German military laboratory at the Charité hospital’s request had now shown “proof without doubt of a chemical nerve agent from the Novichok group.”

“It is a dismaying event that Alexei Navalny was the victim of an attack with a chemical nerve agent in Russia,” Seibert said. “The German government condemns this attack in the strongest terms.”

Navalny, a politician and corruption investigator who is one of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s fiercest critics, fell ill on a flight back to Moscow from Siberia on Aug. 20 and was taken to a hospital in the Siberian city of Omsk after the plane made an emergency landing.

He was transferred two days later to Berlin’s Charité hospital, where doctors last week said initial tests indicated Navalny had been poisoned.

British authorities identified Novichok as the poison used in 2018 on former Russian spy Sergei Skripal and his daughter in England.

The nerve agent is a cholinesterase inhibitor, part of the class of substances that doctors at the Charité initially identified in Navalny.

‘Like leaving an autograph’

Germany has demanded a response from the Russian government, but the Kremlin said Wednesday it hadn’t been informed yet of Navalny being poisoned with a nerve agent.

“Such information hasn’t been relayed to us,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told the state TASS news agency.

Seibert said the German government would inform its partners in the European Union and NATO about the test results. In light of the Russian response, he also said that Germany will consult with its partners “on an appropriate joint response.”

Germany also will contact the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), Seibert added.

Navalny’s allies in Russia have insisted he was deliberately poisoned by the country’s authorities, accusations that the Kremlin rejected as “empty noise.”

“To poison Navalny with Novichok in 2020 would be exactly the same as leaving an autograph at a crime scene, like this one,” Navalny’s longtime ally and strategist Leonid Volkov said in a tweet that featured a photo of Putin’s name and a signature next to it.

The Russian doctors who treated Navalny in Siberia repeatedly contested the German hospital’s poisoning conclusion, saying they had ruled out poisoning as a diagnosis and that their tests for cholinesterase inhibitors came back negative.

In the Charité’s latest update, the hospital said Navalny was still in an induced coma but in stable condition.

Dangerous weapon

Novichok is a class of military-grade nerve agents developed by the Soviet Union at the end of the Cold War. Western weapons experts say it was only ever manufactured in Russia.

After the Skripals were poisoned, Russia said the US, UK and other Western countries acquired the expertise to make the nerve agent after the Soviet Union collapsed, and claimed that the Novichok used in the attack could have come from them.

According to the OPCW, there is no record of Novichok having been declared by any nation that signed the chemical weapons convention.

Britain has charged in absentia two Russians — alleged to be agents of the Russian military intelligence service GRU — with the 2018 attack, which left the Skripals in critical condition and killed a local woman. Russia has refused to extradite the men to the UK.

British police believe the nerve agent was smuggled to Britain in a counterfeit Nina Ricci perfume bottle and sprayed on the front door of Sergei Skripal’s house in the city of Salisbury in southwest England.

More than three months later, the bottle was found by a local man, 48-year-old Charlie Rowley. He was hospitalized and his girlfriend Dawn Sturgess, 44, died after being exposed to the contents.

Charlie Hebdo trial begins; Notorious Cambodia killer dies; COVID-19 antibody study offers some hope

Charlie Hebdo trial begins; Notorious Cambodia killer dies; COVID-19 antibody study offers some hope

By
The World staff

Chloe Verlhac, widow of Charlie Hebdo cartoonist Tignous, arrives at the courtroom for the opening of the 2015 attacks trial, Sept. 2, 2020, in Paris.

Credit:

Francois Mori/AP

Share

Top of The World — our morning news roundup written by editors at The World. Subscribe here.

The Charlie Hebdo terror trial began in Paris on Wednesday, five years after the massacre was carried out. Fourteen people are being tried for their alleged involvement in the series of deadly attacks, which started at the satirical magazine’s office and continued in a kosher supermarket. The attackers killed 17 people in the 2015 massacre, including the magazine’s editor, Stephane “Charb” Charbonnier, as well as several columnists and cartoonists.

The suspects stand accused of participating in a terrorist criminal association and giving support to the main perpetrators: brothers Saïd and Chérif Kouachi, and their accomplice Amedy Coulibaly. The three attackers were killed by police.

Many of the defendants could face sentences of up to 20 years, and one is looking potentially at life behind bars. Eleven of them are actually appearing in court, with all but one behind bulletproof glass. Three others who fled to Syria just before the attacks took place are on the docket in absentia. The hearing is expected to last almost two months and will entail 144 witnesses, 14 experts and 200 interested parties — mostly the friends and family members of the victims. 

The killings marked the start of a series of attacks across France that claimed the lives of more than 250 people.

What The World is following

Kaing Guek Eav, a former teacher known as “Duch” who became the most infamous killer in the Khmer Rouge era, has died at the age of 77 of lung disease in a Phnom Penh hospital. He was serving a life term after being sentenced by a UN-backed court in 2012, for crimes against humanity while running Tuol Sleng prison. Some 14,000 people faced death at the notorious prison, typically at a killing field after extensive torture and forced confessions for dubious crimes. As many as 2 million people are believed to have died under the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979.

A new study published on Tuesday in the New England Journal of Medicine showed that COVID-19 antibodies last at least four months after initial infection. The dataset is based on blood samples from 30,000 people in Iceland, and the findings could offer good news for scientists working on a COVID-19 vaccine. But big questions remain about whether immunity could decrease over time, meaning that reinfection with the virus later on might not be inhibited.

Saudi Arabia has announced that it will allow flights “from all countries” to travel through its airspace to or from the UAE. Although Riyadh has several ongoing regional disputes, the move was seen as an implicit but significant step for détente specifically with Israel.

From The WorldAfter military coup, uncertainty hangs over Mali’s future

People cheer in celebration as security forces drive through the streets of the capital Bamako, Mali, Wednesday, Aug. 19, 2020, a day after armed soldiers fired into the air outside President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta’s home and took him into their custody.

Credit:

File photo/AP

When Mali’s military arrested former President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta to protect the nation as a “true democracy,” crowds in the capital Bamako erupted in cheers. Two weeks later, that enthusiasm has not waned — at least within Mali. From the onset, the military junta has promised to pave the way to new elections. But some are concerned it might be trying to hold onto power in this transition.

California and Australia look to Indigenous land management for fire help

Firefighters control a spot fire near Bredbo, south of the Australian capital, Canberra, Feb. 2, 2020. Fire management in Australia has increasingly encompassed Indigenous cultural burning techniques. 

Credit:

Rick Rycroft/AP

After years of advocacy work, cultural burning practitioners had a win in Australia last week, when the government of New South Wales, the state hit hardest by last year’s catastrophic bushfires, formally accepted a recommendation for an increase in cultural burning as part of their fire management strategy.

As some of the most damaging wildfires in recent memory have raged through California, could cultural burning knowledge become more relevant in the Golden State?

Bright spot

With the use of conservation biology and genomics, scientists at the National Human Genome Research Institute have discovered that the New Guinea singing dog still thrives in the highlands of New Guinea. This species was thought to be extinct for 50 years. The finding opens the door for the protection of the species. 

Scientists have discovered that the New Guinea singing dog (yes!) thought to be extinct for 50 years, still thrives in the Highlands of New Guinea. This opens new doors for protecting a remarkable creature that can teach us about human vocal learning. https://t.co/HycWWjglbZ pic.twitter.com/qCm8rG4eLs

— National Human Genome Research Institute (@genome_gov) August 31, 2020In case you missed itListen: A global coronavirus check-in, six months into the pandemic

A man wearing protective gear disinfects inside an airplane at the El Dorado International Airport amid the coronavirus pandemic, in Bogota, Colombia, Aug. 31, 2020.

Credit:

Luisa Gonzalez/Reuters

Six months into living through a declared pandemic, where does the world stand? Also, hear from some of The World’s international correspondents about what it’s like to travel abroad during a pandemic. The 2020 census gives Latino communities a pathway to political power. And, a man codes an online bilingual baby name finder.

Don’t forget to subscribe to The World’s Latest Edition podcast using your favorite podcast player: RadioPublicApple PodcastsStitcherSoundcloudRSS.

A Salvadoran American’s memoir ‘comes full circle’ on a family history of violence, struggle

A Salvadoran American’s memoir ‘comes full circle’ on a family history of violence, struggle

By
The World staff

Producer
Joyce Hackel

Player utilities

download

Listen to the story.

Writer Roberto Lovato’s new memoir examines his family history between the US and El Salvador, shedding light on the stories behind gang violence and mass migration from Central America.

Credit:

Courtesy of Roberto Lovato

Share

In his new book, writer Roberto Lovato describes El Salvador as “a tiny country of titanic sorrows.” 

Roberto Lovato’s new book is out Sept. 1, 2020.

Credit:

Courtesy of Roberto Lovato

And those sorrows, especially in recent decades, have been tightly bound up with lives led thousands of miles to the north of the small Central American country in cities like San Francisco and Washington, DC.

Lovato’s memoir, out today, is called “Unforgetting: A Memoir of Family Migration, Gangs and Revolution in the Americas.” It traces his family’s history between El Salvador and the United States, examining intergenerational trauma and political forces that shape his own family’s story as well as those of tens of thousands of Salvadorans who have fled violence and warfare. 

Related: A brother and sister flee gang violence in El Salvador and start over in the US

Lovato is a Salvadoran American former gang member from San Francisco, who went to El Salvador as a young adult to join the guerilla movement in the civil war — and then began covering the brutality of El Salvador’s US-backed military government as a journalist.

He spoke to The World’s host Carol Hills about what he learned about himself, his family, and the connections between the US and El Salvador while writing the book.

Carol Hills: Roberto, this is a fascinating story of your own history and that of the two countries you’re rooted in, El Salvador and the US. You grew up in San Francisco in the 1970s and 80s, the child of Salvadoran immigrants. In your teens, you fall in with a group who call themselves Los Originales. Tell us about that period in your life. 

Roberto Lovato: I grew up working-class in San Francisco’s Mission District. We had a little group of us. We weren’t like a formal, hard-core gang. But some of us had low riders and we would do things like steal cars, deal drugs, do drugs or rob people. But we weren’t a hardened gang like you see today in terms of like Crips, Bloods or Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13). 

This is all happening just blocks from the infamous Army Street projects in San Francisco. Local news described the neighborhood as “like a prison.” Sounds like a pretty rough place, huh? 

You know, as a kid, it was not just a rough place. It was a place where my friends and other people that I knew lived. There was violence and there was crime and everything. But there was also humanity — which tends to be forgotten. 

Related: Some Salvadoran migrants look to other nations for refuge as US tightens border

At the same time you were growing up, there was a brutal war going on in El Salvador. Its military was working hand-in-hand with death squads. And President Ronald Reagan was footing the bill and spreading fear about communism encroaching from Central America.  What did you and your friends think about that war in El Salvador? 

I would travel there pretty frequently because my father was a janitor with United Airlines and my mom was a maid with Hyatt Regency. So, we got discounted hotels and free airline tickets and there were military people everywhere. I was into GI Joe as a kid and Captain America. And I thought, “Wow, there’s some strange things going on.” 

Meanwhile, your father — you call him Pop — he’s shipping contraband and guns from San Francisco to El Salvador to anyone who could afford them. You write, “doctors, engineers and military types.” What did you and your family know about what your father did? And how did you make sense of it as a kid? 

I was too young to really understand crime and criminality and the way it’s constructed. And so I was initially scared because I heard my dad tell stories about men trying to pick him up and take him away to kill him. And, you know, he would go and find people to sell him guns and other contraband. And then he would take boxes to El Salvador, where he bribed military people and immigration officials would just let him bring the stuff in. And I thought, “Well, man, my dad’s got, like, this transnational operation going on.”

The 1980s was such a heady time in San Francisco’s Mission District. You describe Black power and brown power movements then, and the ripple effects of Latin American liberation struggles. And it’s the music of Mexican American guitarist and songwriter Carlos Santana that provides a soundtrack to this period of your life. For you and your Salvadoran American friends, what was Santana channeling through the Mission District? 

At that moment, Santana was channeling the electric currents cruising through San Francisco at the time of the hippies, of Chicano power, of Black power, Cesar Chavez marching down Bryant Street, including the political and revolutionary vibe that started coming here with Chilean and then Nicaraguan revolutionaries who came to San Francisco and established organizations and started being active at coffee shops and protesting in the streets. And eventually, after, like, 1979, a lot of Salvadoran revolutionaries came with them. So, I thought they were kind of scary, intense people at the beginning. Little did I know I would become one of them. 

So that’s the backdrop to your teenage years. In your 20s, you head off to wartime El Salvador and work for the rebels. It’s dangerous work. What made you take those kinds of risks? 

Being my father’s son, watching my father take risks transferring contraband and doing, like, the outlaw thing, it was not unnatural for me to take risks. And beyond that, I believed in what I was doing when I started realizing that people from the United States were going to El Salvador to either do solidarity work or, Ernest Hemingway or George Orwell, to see these people doing the same thing with El Salvador, which was a movement of its time in the 80s, was, for me, an inspiration. 

Related: ICE deported a trans asylum-seeker. She was killed in El Salvador.

All the while, you were researching Salvadoran history, especially the history of “La Matanza” or “The Massacre,” the landmark 1932 uprising when El Salvador’s military dictatorship slaughtered at least 10,000 people, many of them Indigenous. Lots of Salvadorans, including your own family, won’t talk about that horrible event or the fate of the country’s Indigenous. Why not?

La Matanza was, in fact, one of the most singularly violent moments in world history. It’s just an astonishing level of violence that any scholars of, say, the Holocaust or other acts of genocide will tell you that there’s a heavy silence that sets in in a population and in families. 

Well, you actually confront your dad about it. You ask him about La Matanza, that massacre in 1932, and he drops what you call an “emotional atom bomb.” Tell us about that conversation. 

I never knew why I was such a crazy kid that did the things that I did, whether it was as a youth with Los Originales, or whether joining the FMLN,  I just knew that I was kind of crazy. And then my dad told me something that explains a lot, not just of why I was so crazy, but I think it explains a lot of the history of why El Salvador is one of the most consistently violent places on Earth. 

And what is that that he tells you? 

He tells me that family members had witnessed La Matanza. He tells me things that just move my stomach and move my heart. And really that chapter in my life — it really closed the circle for me as far as my relationship to my father. You know, the arc in my story, like a lot of our stories, is love-my-dad, love-and-hate-my-dad, love-hate-and-then-rebel-against-my-dad-and-the-state, in my case, and then love-my-dad, again. 

And so that moment captures that. I go back and forth in time throughout the book so that the reader can hopefully experience a little bit of what I experienced living the life that I lived and not knowing why I lived that life until my father really brings it home for me. I just had to come full circle to my own home to realize that I didn’t have to travel the world to see the astonishing levels of poverty and trauma, that they were baked into my upbringing as a boy and as a young man, and that I didn’t know that I was carrying that atom bomb. 

This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.

The international politics of COVID-19: Part II

The international politics of COVID-19: Part II

By
Sam Ratner

President Donald Trump and French President Emmanuel Macron wrap up a joint press conference at the G-7 summit in Biarritz, France. 

Credit:

Andrew Harnik/AP

Share

This analysis was featured in Critical State, a weekly newsletter from The World and Inkstick Media. Subscribe here.

This week, Critical State finishes up its coverage of the journal International Organizations’ special issue on COVID-19 and its effects. More articles from the issue are forthcoming, but here it takes a look at political scientist Daniel Drezner’s article discussing COVID-19’s effects on the international system overall.

Related: The international politics of COVID-19: Part I

Political scientist Daniel Drezner predicts that COVID-19 will result in a greater entrenchment of existing international power structures.

Many have portrayed the COVID-19 pandemic as a system-altering shock — something that will leave the world forever changed. Drezner, however, gazes down from the heights of wherever it is that political scientists consider the basic interactions of states (Walnut Hill, in Drezner’s case) at a disease that has killed over half a million people worldwide and says, basically, “enh.” Rather than foreseeing a massive shift in the structure of international relations, Drezner predicts COVID-19 will result in the opposite: a greater entrenchment of existing international power structures.

To make his case, Drezner looks at the history of disease and world politics. What he finds is that while pandemics have caused major changes in international relations in the past — such as when the Antonine Plague of 165 AD ended the territorial expansion of the Roman empire or when smallpox and measles hastened the European genocide of native population in the Americas — those effects have lessened over time. Since Napoleon, developments in science and public health have increased the capacity of states to cope with pandemics and lessened their impacts on international politics. The influenza pandemic of 1918, for example, was basically forgotten in popular history until COVID-19, despite its massive demographic effects, because states had the ability to absorb the losses it produced. By the time SARS came around in 2003, it was contained quickly enough to barely be a blip on China’s remarkable economic expansion. 

Drezner sees that trend continuing today. Despite stumbles, some major, by both countries in their COVID-19 response, it does seem that the US and China will exit the pandemic as the most powerful players in the international arena, the same as they entered the crisis. Though the pandemic has upended the US economy, it has not appreciably diminished US economic power, which it has demonstrated through the Federal Reserve offering other central banks access to dollars and propping up liquidity within the US. 

While China has gained plaudits for controlling the virus before the US, its attempts to grow its international profile through international pandemic response have largely backfired, Drezner argues. The personal protective equipment and other material aid China has distributed to other countries has often been poorly made, and allegations that China bullied the World Health Organization into unduly praising its early pandemic response make both the country and the WHO look bad.

Indeed, the pandemic has not even produced a major shift in economic competition between the US and China.

Indeed, the pandemic has not even produced a major shift in economic competition between the US and China. Early in the pandemic, Drezner points out, the Trump administration pursued its trade deal with China rather than pressing China on public health cooperation. The resulting trade deal remains in place, even as rhetoric between the two countries has again grown heated.

Ultimately, it is unlikely that COVID-19 will cause a transformation of the international system on its own. Instead, like in so many crises, the default result will be increased power for those who already hold it. In this age, shaking up the balance of power requires political organization rather than simply waiting for nature to have its say.

Critical State is your weekly fix of foreign policy without all the stuff you don’t need. It’s top news and accessible analysis for those who want an inside take without all the insider bs. Subscribe here.

After military coup, uncertainty hangs over Mali’s future

After military coup, uncertainty hangs over Mali’s future

From the onset, the military junta has promised to pave the way to new elections. But some are concerned it might be trying to hold onto power in this transition.

By
Halima Gikandi

Player utilities

download

Listen to the story.

People cheer in celebration as security forces drive through the streets of the capital Bamako, Mali, Wednesday, Aug. 19, 2020, a day after armed soldiers fired into the air outside President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta’s home and took him into their custody.

Credit:

File photo/AP

Share

When Mali’s military arrested former President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta to protect the nation as a “true democracy,” crowds in the capital Bamako erupted in cheers.

Two weeks later, that enthusiasm has not waned — at least within Mali.

Related: Protesters in Mali call for president to step down

A different story has played out beyond the country’s borders. Regional and world leaders have continued to condemn the military coup and are calling for a swift return to civilian leadership.

From the onset, the National Committee for the Salvation of the People (CNSP), the military junta headed by Colonel Assimi Goita, has promised to pave the way to new elections. Still up for debate, however, is the timeline of that transition, and whether it will be the military that leads it.

“We are already seeing these kinds of diversions appearing within the group of civilian and military who actually converged to ask for the departure of former President Keïta.”

Gilles Yabi, director of the Citizen Think Tank of West Africa (WATHI), Senegal

“We are already seeing these kinds of diversions appearing within the group of civilian and military who actually converged to ask for the departure of former President Keïta,” said Gilles Yabi, director of the Citizen Think Tank of West Africa (WATHI) in neighboring Dakar, Senegal. 

The country’s M5-RFP movement, which led to recent massive protests calling on Keïta’s resignation, has reportedly been excluded from transition talks with the military. (M5-RFP is an umbrella coalition of civil society groups, religious leaders and political parties that stands for the June 5 – Rally of Patriotic Forces Movement.)

Some are concerned the military junta might be trying to hold onto power in this transition.

“We are going to see a lot of discussions again in the coming days so that there is an agreement that will preserve the possibility for the transition to be a positive step for Mali,” Yabi said. “But that’s not for now sure.”

Many Malians aren’t necessarily for the military to go, says Sidiki Guindo, a Malian statistician and director of the polling institute GISSE, based in Bamako, Mali’s capital. 

GISSE recently completed a poll looking at how Malians in Bamako viewed the coup. 88% said they had a favorable view of the military leaders.

“Basically, we found that despite what most people think, the population has a quite positive image of the military leaders who did this.”

Sidiki Guindo, director, GISSE, Bamako, Mali

“Basically we found that despite what most people think, the population has a quite positive image of the military leaders who did this,” said Guindo, noting that most Malians polled didn’t view the military’s actions as a coup d’etat but rather as a resignation. 

The vast majority approved of Keïta’s resignation, which isn’t surprising considering the months of protests in Bamako that precede the coup itself.

When it comes to Mali’s future, the same poll found more than half of Malians, or 57%, thought the transition should be managed by civilians and the military. In comparison, 27% wanted a military-only transition, and 16% civilian-led.

“These are statistics that prove that there remains a big gap today between the population and the politicians that lead us,” Guindo said. He notes, however, that those attitudes could change in the coming months, depending on whether military clings to power.

“I don’t think that the military junta should be keeping power during the transition. But I think the military junta should facilitate putting in place a civilian transition,” Yabi said.

He notes, however, that transitioning the government to democratic elections is only the beginning. Deeper political and institutional transformation is required, he says.

“I think what needs to change in Mali is how politics is done. And how the state is managed,” Yabi said. “Getting elections will not solve the problems of failure in institutional building.”

With Mali’s transition hanging in the balance, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has said it will only begin to lift sanctions once the military complies with their demands. 

Related: Policymakers rush to stave off economic collapse on African continent

On Friday, during a regional virtual meeting, ECOWAS told the junta to immediately transfer power, calling for the appointment of a transitional president, and new legislative and presidential elections held within a year. 

Many Malians don’t appreciate the pressure from the regional body.

“Concerning the decisions taken by the ECOWAS, I condemn in the strongest terms this embargo,” said Mahamadou Cissé, president of the National Malian Youth Council of France. The 32-year-old old lives in Paris.

“It’s just not logical, a country already suffering from multiple crises. There’s no point in strangling its people even further.” 

In recent years, Mali has struggled to counter growing terrorism threats and intercommunal violence, as well as address youth employment. 

These are the issues Cissé, along with many Malian youths, are eager for their leaders to solve.

“I think that Malians have given enough trust to politicians, and until now, we’ve been let down. … Now, the new political leader that will take hold of the country’s future will have to work at regaining the lost confidence.”

Mahamaoud Cissé, president of the National Malian Youth Council of France

“I think that Malians have given enough trust to politicians, and until now, we’ve been let down,” he said. “Now, the new political leader that will take hold of the country’s future will have to work at regaining the lost confidence.”

California and Australia look to Indigenous land management for fire help 

California and Australia look to Indigenous land management for fire help 

As fires rage across the state of California, many are wondering how management could improve to reduce the risk in the future. Traditional fire management is being increasingly embraced in Australia, which could help inspire California.

By
Anna Kusmer

Player utilities

download

Listen to the story.

Firefighters control a spot fire near Bredbo, south of the Australian capital, Canberra, Feb. 2, 2020. Fire management in Australia has increasingly encompassed Indigenous cultural burning techniques. 

Credit:

Rick Rycroft/AP

Share

After years of advocacy work, cultural burning practitioners had a win in Australia last week, when the government of New South Wales, the state hit hardest by last year’s catastrophic bushfires, formally accepted a recommendation for an increase in cultural burning as part of their fire management strategy. 

An official report issued by the New South Wales government explains how Indigenous land practices can improve fire management in the wake of the deadly bushfires.

As some of the most damaging wildfires in recent memory have raged through California, in the United States, this cultural burning knowledge is becoming more relevant than ever, said Don Hankins, a Plains Miwok fire expert at Chico State University in California. 

Today, officials in both the United States and Australia are increasingly turning to Indigenous land management practices to help control wildfires. 

A cultural burn, happening in a fire-prone oak woodlands landscape, Big Chico Creek Ecological Reserve in California, 2015. 

Credit:

Courtesy of Don Hankins

Hankins says he has contemplated the benefits of cultural burning — a form of traditional fire management passed down through generations among Indigenous people in fire-prone landscapes — for most of his life. 

The practice entails carefully burning areas during the wet season to reduce flammability and vulnerability in advance of fire season. Burning also helps improve soil quality, spurs the growth of certain plant species and creates more productive landscapes. 

Hankins found international inspiration back in 2003, when he flew over northern Australia, on his way to do some dissertation research, and saw small fires — set carefully and intentionally. 

It was the first time he had seen Indigenous burning practices done on a landscape scale. “I could do that in California,” he thought to himself. 

Since then, Hankins has been working to promote cultural burning in California, through training sessions, workshops and skill-sharing. 

“[Cultural burning] is about reading the land and knowing the landscape and knowing how and when to apply fire in a very safe and effective manner.”

Don Hankins, Plains Miwok fire expert, Chico State University in California 

Hankins says cultural burning is “about reading the land and knowing the landscape and knowing how and when to apply fire in a very safe and effective manner.” 

Related: What Aboriginal Australians can teach us about managing wildfires

Better land management

Hankins, who has been making trips to Australia for decades to share skills and knowledge with other cultural burning practitioners, said that he is happy to see cultural burning gain more recognition by the Australian government. 

“It’s a step in the right direction. … I wouldn’t say that that it’s gonna be the cure-all in that area. I would like to see more opportunities for Indigenous-led approaches.”

Don Hankins, Plains Miwok fire expert, Chico State University in California 

“It’s a step in the right direction,” he said. “I wouldn’t say that that it’s gonna be the cure-all in that area. I would like to see more opportunities for Indigenous-led approaches.”

In Australia, Indigenous people have done some form of cultural burning on the land for thousands of years, and it is only in recent centuries that cultural burning was outlawed and Indigenous people were forcibly removed from their traditional lands

That fact is now being officially recognized, said Oliver Costello, a Bundjalung man who is CEO of Firesticks, an organization that advocates for cultural burning in Australia. 

“There’s a recognition that cultural burning is a part of broader Aboriginal land management practices, which is really important.”

Oliver Costello, CEO, Firesticks, Australia

“There’s a recognition that cultural burning is a part of broader Aboriginal land management practices, which is really important,” said Costello. 

Recognizing that climate change will likely exacerbate droughts and intensify wildfires has urged experts to think more critically about how to mitigate wildfire effects and adapt to the weather conditions that spur them. 

In the Northern Territories of Australia, where fewer people live and cultural burning practices are largely intact, Aboriginal fire and land management have cut bushfire destruction in half

‘Rehabilitate the landscape’

Cultural burning is slowly gaining recognition by agencies and local governments in California, as well, says Hankins. 

A handful of communities have done some burning on traditional lands in the past decade, such as the North Fork Mono in the Sierra Nevada foothills, the Karuk Tribe in northwestern California, and a Yurok community in the Klamath Mountains of northern California, who have been doing cultural burning annually since 2014, with support from the Nature Conservancy. 

But only a few thousand acres are culturally burned a year in California, much fewer than the 90 million acres in northern Australia that are under a burning regimen.

There is still a lot of red tape, said Hankins. Native groups must obtain permits and may not receive permission to do burning on their lands due to air-quality or liability concerns. 

Before the Gold Rush and Spanish Era, millions of acres of California were burned every year for more than 13,000 years by hundreds of tribes across the region. Now, governments mostly suppress fires, which leads to a build-up of fuel for catastrophic wildfires down the road. 

Landscape rehabilitation and fire resiliency require much more Indigenous leadership and guidance, says Hankins. 

“It’s a short time frame that we’ve taken the [cultural burning] part of the equation out. … The main driver that has helped to shape these ecosystems has been removed because of that colonial impact.”

Don Hankins, Plains Miwok fire expert, Chico State University in California 

“It’s a short time frame that we’ve taken the [cultural burning] part of the equation out,” says Hankins. “The main driver that has helped to shape these ecosystems has been removed because of that colonial impact.”

Don Hankins heads out to a cultural burning wearing his Smokey Bear shirt at Kaanju Ngaachi Indigenous Protected Area in Chuula, Australia. 

Credit:

Courtesy of Don Hankins

‘Shaped by fire’

Hankins and Costello are both part of an informal network of cultural burning advocates around the world, such as Canada, Mexico, Venezuela and Brazil.

First Nations Emergency Services Society (FNESS), based in British Columbia, Canada, also advocates for cultural burning. Shane Wardrobe, interim manager of the Forest Fuel Management Department at FNESS, said his organization has met with cultural burning experts in the US and New Zealand.

“In some places, this traditional knowledge is being passed on, and in a lot of other places, it’s not. When we lose our elders, we’re going to lose that knowledge…”

Shane Wardrobe, First Nations Emergency Service Society 

“We’re trying to get more of our Indigenous people involved before that knowledge is lost,” he said. “In some places, this traditional knowledge is being passed on, and in a lot of other places, it’s not. When we lose our elders, we’re going to lose that knowledge…” 

Related: Reviving traditional fire knowledge in Australia: ‘Fire is something we live with’

A night fire at Kaanju Ngaachi Indigenous Protected Area in Chuula, Australia. 

Credit:

Courtesy of Don Hankins

In Australia, Costello said the principles of cultural burning can apply to any fire-prone landscape. 

“Landscapes have been shaped by fire for thousands of years,” he said. “If … you only see the negatives of fire, […] you don’t understand that fire used in the right way will maintain healthy relationships.” 

With climate change bringing hotter, drier, windier periods that can make fire season worse, this knowledge is more important than ever, said Costello. 

“We have to learn and adapt, which is what cultural knowledge and cultural fire management is all about.”